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Stephen Kinzer
Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq by Stephen Kinzer (Author)
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4.6 out of 5 stars (985)
Stephen Kinzer's Overthrow provides a fast-paced narrative history of the coups, revolutions, and invasions by which the United States has toppled fourteen foreign governments -- not always to its own benefit
"Regime change" did not begin with the administration of George W. Bush, but has been an integral part of U.S. foreign policy for more than one hundred years. Starting with the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy in 1893 and continuing through the Spanish-American War and the Cold War and into our own time, the United States has not hesitated to overthrow governments that stood in the way of its political and economic goals. The invasion of Iraq in 2003 is the latest, though perhaps not the last, example of the dangers inherent in these operations.
In Overthrow, Stephen Kinzer tells the stories of the audacious politicians, spies, military commanders, and business executives who took it upon themselves to depose monarchs, presidents, and prime ministers. He also shows that the U.S. government has often pursued these operations without understanding the countries involved; as a result, many of them have had disastrous long-term consequences.
In a compelling and provocative history that takes readers to fourteen countries, including Cuba, Iran, South Vietnam, Chile, and Iraq, Kinzer surveys modern American history from a new and often surprising perspective.
"Detailed, passionate and convincing . . . [with] the pace and grip of a good thriller." -- Anatol Lieven, The New York Times Book Review
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4.6 out of 5 stars (985)
Stephen Kinzer's Overthrow provides a fast-paced narrative history of the coups, revolutions, and invasions by which the United States has toppled fourteen foreign governments -- not always to its own benefit
"Regime change" did not begin with the administration of George W. Bush, but has been an integral part of U.S. foreign policy for more than one hundred years. Starting with the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy in 1893 and continuing through the Spanish-American War and the Cold War and into our own time, the United States has not hesitated to overthrow governments that stood in the way of its political and economic goals. The invasion of Iraq in 2003 is the latest, though perhaps not the last, example of the dangers inherent in these operations.
In Overthrow, Stephen Kinzer tells the stories of the audacious politicians, spies, military commanders, and business executives who took it upon themselves to depose monarchs, presidents, and prime ministers. He also shows that the U.S. government has often pursued these operations without understanding the countries involved; as a result, many of them have had disastrous long-term consequences.
In a compelling and provocative history that takes readers to fourteen countries, including Cuba, Iran, South Vietnam, Chile, and Iraq, Kinzer surveys modern American history from a new and often surprising perspective.
"Detailed, passionate and convincing . . . [with] the pace and grip of a good thriller." -- Anatol Lieven, The New York Times Book Review
Read less
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Review
"Kinzer, a foreign correspondent for the New York Times, brings a rich narrative immediacy to all of his stories...he makes a persuasive case that US intervention destabilizes world politics and often leaves countries worse off than they were before."
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About the Author
Michael Prichard is a Los Angeles-based actor who has played several thousand characters during his career, over one hundred of them in theater and film. He is primarily heard as an audiobook narrator, having recorded well over five hundred full-length books. His numerous awards and accolades include an Audie Award for Tears in the Darkness by Michael Norman and Elizabeth M. Norman and six AudioFile Earphones Awards. He was named a Top Ten Golden Voice by SmartMoney magazine. He holds an MFA in theater from the University of Southern California.
Stephen Kinzer is the author of over ten books, including Poisoner in Chief, The True Flag, The Brothers, Overthrow, and All the Shah's Men. An award-winning foreign correspondent, he served as the New York Times bureau chief in Nicaragua, Germany, and Turkey. He is a senior fellow at the Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs at Brown University and writes a world affairs column for the Boston Globe.
Product details
ASIN : B000Q67L00
Publisher : Times Books
Accessibility : Learn more
Publication date : 6 February 2007
==
From Australia
Amazon Customer
5.0 out of 5 stars A terrific book.
Reviewed in Australia on 20 February 2021
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For people who still admire the American "quest" and "fight" for democracy and for their selfless "help" to other nations of this planet to achieve it. God help you if the Americans have you in their sights.
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From other countries
D Sandy
5.0 out of 5 stars Exposai
Reviewed in Canada on 30 December 2024
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Exposes the US as the worlds biggest war monger nation and it didn't start with the overthrow of Hawaii.
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Modarres Enshaei-Mohammad
5.0 out of 5 stars Fantastic!
Reviewed in Japan on 6 July 2018
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Great book about the history of American backed coups around the world
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Rosendo J. Escalante-Ilizaliturri
5.0 out of 5 stars Imparcial
Reviewed in Mexico on 14 June 2022
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He iniciado su lectura, y hasta este momento lo encuentro imparcial
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Gary Hambleton
5.0 out of 5 stars Stunning, shocking expose of America's dark side
Reviewed in Spain on 1 September 2023
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Kinzer has probed the many instances of US/CIA/Military involvements in overthrowing democratically elected leaders around the world because they didn't like their politics or their desire to own their own natural resources.
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Marilyn Mortimore
5.0 out of 5 stars easy to read and understand
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 21 August 2017
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Very well written, easy to read and understand. Reads like a fictional work except that it's true. Wish someone would put those people in gaol and throw away the key. Wicked, greedy and American. Now after a hundred or more years doing it one way, they're changing gear to TTIP and TPAC etc to achieve even more control and wealth. Lock em up before they ruin the world - again!
Problem is that greedy and corrupt politicians around the world - not singling out the UK but...? can't resist taking bribes from these people either in monetary form or more typically in fat paid jobs after politics?
By the way, I love this book. Well done Stephen Kinzer.
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Alexandre Filordi de Carvalho
5.0 out of 5 stars Para ver os EUA com outros olhos: os que vêm!
Reviewed in Brazil on 15 July 2019
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Uma série de casos acerca da dominação político-econômica estadunidense em todo mundo, fartamente documentado. Do Ocidente ao Oriente, a investida desta dominação apenas visa à consolidação do poderio hegemônico dos EUA, sem piedade mas municiado com muito cinismo, muita chantagem e grande dose de lawfare. No caso do Brasil, também mencionado no livro, é assustadora a sua presente atualização.
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Archer
5.0 out of 5 stars Sehr informativ. Hat doch ein wenig an meinem Weltbild gerüttelt.
Reviewed in Germany on 18 February 2014
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I've never considered myself historically naive. I was partly aware of the US role in Iran, and the war with Spain wasn't new to me either. However, the political and economic interests that often led to the overthrow of democratic governments and their replacement by dictatorships for self-serving purposes deeply affected me. The fact that an American compiled this list of US achievements greatly enhances its credibility. It's mostly interestingly written and certainly explains why the US is particularly hated as a vile imperialist in the Arab world.
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Virginia C. Cotts
5.0 out of 5 stars Paring history down to the essential lessons.
Reviewed in the United States on 16 October 2006
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I will not repeat the many excellent comments here except that Kinzer writes very well, making the read fascinating and factually solid. Other points:
I think Kinzer made it fairly clear that the deposed leaders were not necessarily great or without flaws. The point is that when we went into these countries and replaced their democratically elected leaders with our puppet leaders, most of them turned out to be difficult to overthrow despots and tyrants. This left the fledgling democracies no chance to learn whether that elected official was good or bad, and gain more experience and time to develop their political parties and election processes. Instead, it repeatedly developed an environment where the only groups that could overthrow those puppets were fanatics and zealots, who grew out of the resentment of the American interference and the suffering of the country under quasi American rule. Besides, who are we to point fingers at the less than perfect elected leaders of other countries?
The economic aspects of the overthrows were clearly an essential part of the pattern. However Kinzer stresses that the politicians had their own geo-political reasons for stepping in - often using the nationalization of companies as an excuse to hide their motives. The nationalization process is often misunderstood and Kinzer did a very good job of pointing out this rarely had much to do with anything but mild socialism. Instead, it was a response to the centuries of imperialism that allowed developed countries to take over so much of the underdeveloped world - almost exclusively those that had valuable resources to develop. During that phase, many companies became international power houses by developing those resources and selling them - with minimal compensation to the country whose economic futures were being plundered. Iran in '53 was looking at the incredible profits of the companies who developed the oil industries, yet hardly met their agreed payments to the country for being allowed to get rich off the resources they were given access to.
This is still happening with globalization. Multinational corporations go into small countries with some agreement to have access to the resources, including cheap labor, and few restrictions on how they treat the employees, environment or invest some of the profit money in the country to help it gain it's own economic footing. It has been mentioned that countries operate on their own self-interest. They have reason to operate on enlightened self interest and do so far more than the corporations. Many figured this out and have formed coalitions to fight it.
This book is important information Americans need to understand, in order to grasp the foreign policy deceptions that have been foisted on us by our government and the high profit media. James Pfiffner, professor of poli-sci at George Mason Univ, addressed presidential lying in a `99 essay (Presidential Studies Quarterly). He identified a hierarchy of presidential lying, some of which he considers justifiable:
-Lying about personal matters that do not affect national policy or security. [Duh?]
-Lying to foreign governments can be a necessary element of diplomacy.
-Lying about matters of national security (Eisenhower denying U-2 flights over USSR)
National security is where Pfiffner finds the worst errors because they are "lies of policy deception". The president says he is doing one thing, while in fact, the military, CIA, NSA or other agencies are doing something else. This is where he nails the issue for me:
These lies are inexcusable because they deceive "the public about the direction of government policy" and deny voters the opportunity "to make an informed choice [which] undermines the premise of the democratic process". His examples are Johnson's escalation of the VN war and the Gulf of Tonkin deceptions. Nixon's secret bombing of Cambodia (14 months), and Reagan's lies about Iran/Contra.
We need to develop the awareness in American voters about what has been done in our names, with our tax money; while being deceived about the real reasons - or even that we were doing it covertly- so we could not vote or contact our representatives. A variation of taxation without representation, let alone ignoring the grassroots American conviction that we don't support interfering with other countries governments.
Kinzer's book is an excellent text for this enlightenment. I also consider it essential for dissemination on a much wider scale.
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Alejandro
5.0 out of 5 stars Very well written book on regime change
Reviewed in India on 26 November 2019
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Amazing book on American collective psyche that has enabled regime change in vast parts of the world. The author is well versed in describing invasions and coup d'etats in an engaging an interesting manner. This should be required reading for any aspiring diplomat, as it showcases very eloquently the downsides of regime change and how it has actually hurt American security instead of enabling it.
If you have any interest in American foreign policy over the last hundred years do yourself a favor and get this, you will have a better way of interpreting American diplomacy and have a deeper grasp on modern conflicts around the world, especially the middle east and Latin America.
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黒羽夏彦
5.0 out of 5 stars アメリカによる「政権転覆」の百年を通観した歴史ノンフィクション
Reviewed in Japan on 15 February 2010
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ブッシュ政権がイラク戦争を開始した際、「体制転換」という言葉がよく使われた。本書はこれをキーワードに、アメリカが海外での影響力保持のため自らに刃向かう政権をいかに実力行使で倒してきたのか、19世紀末のハワイ併合から最近のイラクまでを描き出す。エピソード豊富で読みやすい歴史ノンフィクションである。
動機としてはもちろん国益もあるが、それ以上にイデオロギー的な思い込みから情勢判断が歪められた側面も強い。マッキンリーやセオドア=ローズヴェルトたちのマニフェスト・デスティニー、冷戦期におけるジョン・フォスター・ダレスの反共、そしてブッシュ政権に巣食ったネオコンは記憶に新しい。「体制転換」では「自由」や「民主主義」といった価値観も大義名分とされた。ところが、イランのモサデク、グァテマラのアルベンス、チリのアジェンデ、いずれも民主的に選出された政治指導者であったにもかかわらず、彼らをクーデターで倒して抑圧的な政治手法を取る独裁者を後釜に据えた。こうした矛盾がこれらの国々をその後も混乱に陥れ、反米の気運を高め、長期的にはアメリカの「国益」に反する結果となってしまった誤謬も指摘される。
부시 정권이 이라크 전쟁을 시작했을 때 '체제 전환'이라는 말이 자주 쓰였다. 이 책은 이를 키워드로, 미국이 해외에서의 영향력 유지를 위해 스스로 칼을 향하는 정권을 어떻게 실력행사로 쓰러뜨려 왔는지, 19세기 말 하와이 병합에서 최근 이라크까지를 그린다. 에피소드 풍부하고 읽기 쉬운 역사 논픽션이다. 동기로서는 물론 국익도 있지만, 그 이상으로 이데올로기적인 추억으로부터 정세 판단이 왜곡된 측면도 강하다. 맥킨리와 세오도어-로즈베르트들의 매니페스트 데스티니, 냉전기 존 포스터 덜레스의 반공, 그리고 부시 정권에 둥지를 둔 네오콘은 기억에 새롭다. '체제전환'에서는 '자유'와 '민주주의'라는 가치관도 대의명분이 되었다. 그런데 이란의 모사덱, 과테말라의 아르벤스, 칠레의 아옌데, 모두 민주적으로 선출된 정치 지도자임에도 불구하고, 그들을 쿠데타로 쓰러뜨리고 억압적인 정치 수법을 취하는 독재자를 후부에 올렸다. 이러한 모순이 이들 나라들을 그 후에도 혼란에 빠져, 반미의 기운을 높여, 장기적으로는 미국의 「국익」에 반하는 결과가 되어 버린 오차도 지적된다.
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blueberry
5.0 out of 5 stars Just splendid!
Reviewed in Germany on 14 August 2014
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I've just bought another of Kinzer's books, because this one is just splendid! I've found out so much about the world's history and politics, and the author's narrative is great. It is a history book written as if it was a history novel.
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Neil Cotiaux
5.0 out of 5 stars The Book I've Been Waiting For
Reviewed in the United States on 11 June 2006
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
As a lay student of American history, I've always been fascinated with how our country has conducted itself overseas in the wake of Manifest Destiny. While I have picked up an article or analysis on particular U.S. interventions here or there, I have never come across a holistic treatment of the issue - until now. The wait has been worth it.
"Overthrow" was not only painstakingly researched, but also written in the tone of historical fiction - although it is historical fact. Kinzer is a great story teller, inviting his reader to pull up a chair and watch the drama and intrigue unfold at close range - all the better to be revulsed. Some wonderful asides - for example, the replication of the John Foster Dulles study on a Texas campus, pickled for posterity - add great color. The author's segmentation of his narrative, allowing the reader to get a brief (perhaps all too brief) snapshot of the impact of American intervention on a given set of countries and form his or her conclusions, is also quite helpful. And there are some occasional surprises by the author, such as when he chides JFK for failing to lead his brain trust to an obvious conclusion regarding what to do (or not to) about the Diem regime and when he pays George W. Bush the backhanded compliment of stating that he has engaged in nation-building (cleaning up after one's mess) more than many of his interventionist predecessors.
Kinzer does a fine job expounding on his premise that corporate interests play a large role in driving U.S. foreign policy and explaining why the axiom "the enemy of my enemy is my friend" can often prove fallacious. He does an even better job striking an important cautionary note regarding how Washington's rationale for intervention is deftly wrapped in the cloth of patriotism and The Mission of Democracy and signed, sold and delivered to the public.
By and large, Kinzer takes a clear left-of-center view of things. The reader who is not a card-carrying liberal will need to weigh the author's words carefully. Kinzer seems overgenerous at times in ascribing American democratic ideals to virtually all of the leaders who found themselves at the other end of Washington's power games, and in fact some of his background on these leaders (land redistribution, nationalization, Czech weapons imports, etc.) weaken that assertion. Some readers may also quibble with Kinzer's definition of what is equitable in the world of business affairs (his endorsement of a strict 50-50 split of revenues from oil drilling in Iran begs the question of the role of Western technology and expertise in getting the black gold out of the earth). And then there is the issue of the historical quotes: are they as accurate as they read or must the reader assume them to be the best paraphrase of a conversation historically available, even though direct quotation marks are used?
Despite these reservations, there's no denying that "Overthrow" is a fast-moving catalogue of many of America's gaffes, sins and self-delusions, foisted upon the world stage with serious and far-reaching consequences.
We Americans are still paying a price. It's just that, until this book, most of us didn't know it.
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Lucca Canizela De Camargo
5.0 out of 5 stars Superb
Reviewed in Brazil on 22 May 2022
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Very informative book!
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Nirmal Patel
5.0 out of 5 stars America's 'puppet regimes'
Reviewed in India on 9 June 2021
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America has been indulging in favouritism since for ever. This book lists all the numerous instances when America has replaced 'undesirable' rulers with more compliant rulers. American military and American politicians portrayed as never before, pursuing goals not strictly in line with their posturing as a democratic nation. Fun to read.
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Ahmed Khandid
5.0 out of 5 stars Good
Reviewed in Canada on 21 July 2024
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Good
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Vicky J
5.0 out of 5 stars Brilliant analysis and well written
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 12 July 2016
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Brilliant analysis and well written, this book explains everything I wondered about USA foreign policy in my lifetime. Most of my American friends [not all of them] hate it; that tells you a lot about prevailing American attitudes. I wonder if it goes like this, "Let the rest of the world die out and then Yanks can have the planet to themselves. Or else let them all become little American look-alikes." Definitely a book worth reading to keep everything in perspective from Korea to Afghanistan. All all failed policies, of course. I've read it more than once.
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Cliente Amazon
4.0 out of 5 stars USA
Reviewed in Spain on 15 August 2017
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Overthrow is a good and interest book (very recomendable), but in some aspects will be a little more deep in the analisis.
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John Foster
5.0 out of 5 stars Thumbs up
Reviewed in Canada on 10 January 2023
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Arrived in great condition, like new.
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marina del kwi
4.0 out of 5 stars Manifest Destiny for 'Divide/Rule-Based-International-Disorder‘
Reviewed in Japan on 18 September 2023
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1.良かった点
イラク戦争が泥沼化した中、ネオコン主導のブッシュ政権の暴走ぶりが例外的なものでなく過去から連綿とつながる際限のない利益追求を正当化する神憑りのイデオロギー（信仰）に基付くものであることを事例をもって示した作品。様々な視点から多くの著作がなされた主題であり、個別のケース、さらには諜報機関、国際資本、ネオリベラリズム、メディアの役割等特定のテーマについて関心を持つ読者には物足りなさを感じさせる点があるだろうが、あの国の海外覇権主義のエトス、その誕生から21世紀初頭に至るまでの変遷を理解するうえではよくまとまった書物だと思う。
19世紀末の黎明期から謀略の冷戦期、冷戦終結前後の直接軍事介入期に大別して数多の例からとり挙げられた代表的な14か国。個別ケースの背景にあった議論、主要人物による政策決定、行動の過程が有機的つながりを持って語られる。国境の南から日々押し寄せる多くの難民に自分たちの税金が食い潰されるとご立腹のアメリカの一般市民の皆様にこそ本書を読んでその原因を知っていただきたいが。
興味を引くのは、一般に海外膨張主義の端緒とされている米西戦争によるキューバ、フィリピンへの侵略の直前に起こったハワイ併合の意義を強調している点。僅か百年余り前、(奴隷制度の存廃をめぐっての利害対立等の経済的側面は矮小化し)宗主国の圧政から自らの力で独立を勝ち取った民主主義国家の鑑と自らを美化してきた建国神話(American Revolution)の文脈上、一握りの入植者が自らの利権保護のために転覆した有色人種ばかりの西太平洋上の小さな島国を公式に併合するという行為には当初躊躇していた本国政府。
広大な中国市場への進出を見据え、太平洋支配の拠点としての重要性を見直した結果によるハワイ併合とキューバへの侵略を開始した5年後の1898年こそ、それまでの建前上の制約から自らを解放し、今後は、入植以来培ってきた、先住民から土地、資源を奪い黒人奴隷等の低コスト労働により経済発展を遂げるという実質的植民地経営の経験を活かし、強い国軍を育成しつつ、国益拡大のため海外のフロンティアに進出し、ひいては文明から取り残された原住民たちにもAmerican Experimentから得られた崇高な価値観を布教してやろう(white man's burden)というパターナリズムをもった今日に繋がる新興帝国主義国家の元年であったことがわかる。他国からすれば南北アメリカ大陸は自分の縄張りと宣言したMonroe Doctrineの1823と共に1776や1865よりもはるかに大きな意味を持つ年となる。
背景には、建国以来の西へ西へという北米での開拓が一段落し農工業生産が急拡大した結果需給ギャップによる国内不況と1879年の鉄道バブルの崩壊に端を発した長引く金融恐慌に直面し、新たな可能性を海外に求めざるを得なくなったという資本主義発展上の必然性、南北戦争の後遺症による国内の分断を外敵を利用して緩和したいという政治的意図、そして根底には対メキシコ戦争や1830 Indian Removal Actに基づいて先住民から肥沃な土地を取り上げ未開の荒野に追いやったあげく、その地に石油等の資源が発見されるとそれまでの約束を反故にし更に不毛の地に追いやるという事実に代表される、我こそが神に選ばれし民であるというexceptionalismと非白人への蔑視racismという下地があったことが指摘されている。
その後、目的が覇権又は市場拡大か、資源確保か、はたまた地政学上の拠点確保かを問わず、地球上にある貴重な資源を最も効率的に利用すべく天命を受けたのは我々(manifest destiny)であり、その場所に偶々居住している民族のsovereignty、彼らとの協定、約束は無視しても何らモラル上の問題は無い、という17世紀初頭の Virginia Company設立に始まる資本主義 とPlymouth入植時にまで遡れる選民思想が融合した根本理念は政権、党派、国内政策での対立、いわゆるリベラルか保守かの違いを問わず現在にいたるまで首尾一貫している。
1898年の政策決定に大きな力を与えた3人の政治家のうちTheodore RooseveltとHenry Cabot Lodgeのそれぞれの孫が 半世紀後の米ソ冷戦期にイラン、グアテマラにおける進歩的な改革を目指す現地政権転覆の為に、現在でもお馴染みのメディア、諜報機関、地場の反動勢力を利用する謀略のフォーミュラを生み出し主要な役割を担ったのは興味深い。（Rooseveltを含め、本書に登場する大統領２名、国務長官1名、さらに本著後に北アフリカで次々と政権転覆に成功したあの演説が上手な大統領もノーベル平和賞を受賞している。）この２名、さらに2人の孫ともHarvardの卒業生だが、その他本書の登場人物の多くも同校を含む東部名門大学の関係者、名家の出身。ウオール街中枢の法律事務所Sullivan & Cromwell が果たした役割、さらに旧宗主国の悪名高い植民地主義者が創設した奨学生制度に選抜されOxfordで学んだ経験者たちが高く評価され政治、外交の中枢に重用されてきた事実を重ね合わせると、海外介入主義こそ、この国のエスタブリッシュメントが凋落する大英帝国から継承した北大西洋を世界の頂点とする正統教義orthodoxyであることが分かる。
「民主主義を守る」、「テロとの戦い」、「人権救済」というマーケティング上のお題目の下、民主的プロセスを経て選出され自国民の権益を守ろうとする現地の政権、なかには米国神話を理想とする指導者をも独裁者(肌の色は問わずターゲットにする国の指導者をHitler、傀儡政権のリーダーをChurchill、介入に慎重な国内勢力をChamberlainに例えると国民が思考停止になるのは面白い)と非難したうえ軍事クーデター、直接介入、はたまた経済制裁を通じて転覆したうえでの非民主的傀儡政権の樹立。インフラを破壊し多くの死者、難民を生み出し、結果的に残るのは瓦礫の山と圧政による現地国民の被害のみという、第三者から見れば大きな矛盾も彼らにとってはコラテラル・ダメージでしかないことが理解できる。
2.気になった点
著者はグアテマラ、イランでの政権転覆がその後のキューバでの社会主義革命、イランイスラム革命をもたらしたという結果をもって、現場の声を無視した政府中枢に於ける冷戦思考に凝り固まったgroup thinkによる判断ミス、誤算の例としているが、その決断が単なる戦略ではなく天命によるものという信仰に根差したものであると考えれば、Dulles等政策責任者にとっては自らに非は無く問題はそれを受け入れない相手方にあるという理解だろう。よって、これら屈従しない異教徒、異端者（より広い意味ではハイチも含まれる）に対する制裁は苛烈なものにならざるを得ない。一方で、ハワイのように思惑通り改宗に成功し表面上は民主主義体制に組み込まれ若干の経済的恩恵に浴することになっても著者が言うように結果オーライではなく、強制的に政権転覆を受けsovereigntyを奪われた側の住民にとっては本質的に災厄であることに変わりはない。（米国人の著者による視点という制約は仕方ないが）
3.本著後の展開
直接的軍事介入による自国兵士の人的損害に対する世論の批判が高まったイラク戦争（ただし、介入そのものについては国連安保理での虚偽報告を含めて誰ひとり国内外から明確な責任を問われることはなかったが、）以降、対外介入政策は従来の軍産複合体と諜報機関に高等教育機関、エンタテイメント業界、人権NGO、国際機関、同盟国、相手国の司法機関を巻き込んだソフトパワーも駆使し、より組織化され、巧妙かつ大胆な形で覇権維持のため海外政権転覆活動(hybrid war)に邁進している。更には主要国内産業の空洞化により戦争産業が国家経済に占める相対的影響力は著しく高まり、最大の公共事業として雇用の観点からも反対できる政治家は存在できなくなった。
米西戦争の発端となったメイン号事件を煽ったのはイエロージャーナリズムといわれたハースト系の新聞だが、９０年代の規制緩和による既存メディアの集約、寡占化により米国のメディアと政府の関係も日本の状況(client journalism)と酷似してきた。かつてこの国のいわゆる進歩的知識人の皆さんがリベラル派として信奉し拠り所としてきたあの欧州の公共放送や通信社も、東海岸の新聞社も、Noam Chomskyいうところの 海外覇権主義のためのconsent manufacturerであることがあからさまになってきた。
加えて巨大インターネットプラットフォームの出現を通じて新旧メディアによる世論コントロールは、より深く直接的なものになり、正統教義に従わない異端者の声を表舞台から排除している。結果として一般大衆、さらにかつては存在した反戦平和勢力の間でも冷戦終結以降新たに与えられた「人権介入」という大義名分の効果も加わり海外介入主義や自らの moral superiorityそのものに対する疑問や批判の声はほとんど聞かれなくなった。もはやこれをとどめるものは内部的膨張により金融システムが自壊する他に可能性は見当たらない。
4.日本人読者にとっての示唆
世界が多極化に向かい目まぐるしい動きを見せているにもかかわらず、お膝元では既に過半数の市民の信頼を失った欧米主要メデイアのナラテイヴ、その周回遅れの翻訳版に完全に依拠しているこの国の新聞やテレビニュースの情報バブルの中にいるこの国の一般市民も個別の刺激的なヘッドラインに振り回されず世界情勢の裏側を理解すべきだと改めて教えてくれる。更に他人事ではなく、この国を含む東アジアの戦後政治史の様々な転換点に起こった、検察が主導しリークを受けたマスコミが喧伝する不可解な疑惑、事件による独立的な外交政策を志向する政治家の失墜劇の背景、一方、既得権益の最大の受益者である凡庸な世襲政治家が「改革」の旗手ともてはやされ長期政権を全うする怪、及び今後東アジアでおそらく起こり、否応なしに巻き込まれるであろう事象等についても深く考えさせてくれる著作だと思う。
1. 좋은 점
이라크 전쟁이 늪화한 가운데, 네오콘 주도의 부시 정권의 폭주만이 예외적인 것이 아니라 과거로부터 연면과 연결되는 무한한 이익 추구를 정당화하는 신빙의 이데올로기(신앙)에 근거하는 것임을 사례로 나타낸 작품. 다양한 관점에서 많은 저작이 이루어진 주제이며, 개별 사례, 심지어 첩보기관, 국제자본, 네오리베라리즘, 미디어 역할 등 특정 주제에 관심을 가진 독자들에게 는 아쉬움을 느끼게 하는 점이 있겠지만, 그 나라의 해외 패권주의의 에토스, 그 탄생부터 21세기 초에 이르기까지의 변천을 이해하는데 있어서는 잘 정리된 책이라고 생각한다.
19세기 말 여명기부터 모략의 냉전기, 냉전 종결 전후의 직접 군사 개입기에 대별하여 수많은 예에서 꼽힌 대표적인 14개국. 개별 케이스의 배경에 있던 논의, 주요 인물에 의한 정책 결정, 행동의 과정이 유기적 연결을 가지고 말해진다. 국경의 남쪽에서 날마다 밀려오는 많은 난민들에게 자신들의 세금이 잡히면 입복의 미국의 일반 시민 여러분에게야말로 본서를 읽고 그 원인을 알고 싶지만.
흥미를 끄는 것은, 일반적으로 해외 팽창주의의 단서로 여겨지고 있는 미국 서전쟁에 의한 쿠바, 필리핀에의 침략의 직전에 일어난 하와이 병합의 의의를 강조하고 있는 점. 불과 100여년 전 종주국의 압정에서 스스로의 힘으로 독립을 이겨낸 민주주의 국가의 감과 스스로를 미화해 온 건국신화(American) Revolution)의 문맥상, 한 줌의 이주자가 스스로의 이권 보호를 위해 전복한 유색 인종만의 서태평양상의 작은 섬나라를 공식적으로 병합한다고 하는 행위에는 당초 주저하고 있던 본국 정부.
광대한 중국 시장 진출을 바라보고, 태평양 지배의 거점으로서의 중요성을 재검토한 결과에 의한 하와이 병합과 쿠바 침략을 개시한 5년 후인 1898년이야말로, 지금까지의 건전상의 제약으로부터 스스로를 해방해, 향후는, 이식 이후 길러 온, 원주민으로부터 토지, 자원을 빼앗아 흑인 노예 등의 저비용 노동에 의해 경제 발전을 이루는 실질적인 식민지 경영의 경험을 살려, 강한 국군을 육성하면서, 국익 확대를 위해 해외의 프론티어에 진출해, 나아가 문명으로부터 남겨진 원주민들에게도 American Experiment에서 얻은 숭고한 가치관을 포교하자(white man's burden)라는 패터너리즘을 가진 오늘에 이어지는 신흥제국주의 국가의 원년인 것을 알 수 있다. 타국에서 하면 남북아메리카 대륙은 자신의 밧줄로 선언한 Monroe Doctrine의 1823과 함께 1776과 1865보다 훨씬 큰 의미를 가진 해가 된다.
배경에는 건국 이래 서쪽으로 서쪽으로 북미에서의 개척이 일단락해 농공업 생산이 급증한 결과 수급 갭에 의한 국내 불황과 1879년 철도 버블의 붕괴에 끝을 발한 긴 긴 금융 공황에 직면해 새로운 가능성을 해외에 요구할 수밖에 없었다는 자본주의 발전상의 필연성, 남북전쟁의 후유증에 의한 국내의 분단을 외적을 이용해 완화하고 싶다는 정치적 의도, 그리고 근저에는 대멕시코 전쟁이나 1830 Indian Removal Act에 근거해 원주민으로부터 비옥한 땅을 거론하고 미개척한 황야로 쫓아 올렸다. 라는 사실로 대표되는 우리가 하나님께 선정되어 백성이라는 exceptionalism과 비백인에 대한 멸시 racism이라는 기초가 있었던 것이 지적되고 있다.
그 후, 목적이 패권 또는 시장 확대인지, 자원 확보인지, 아니면 지정학상의 거점 확보인지에 관계없이 지구상에 있는 귀중한 자원을 가장 효율적으로 이용하기 위해 천명을 받은 것은 우리(manifest) destiny)이며, 그 장소에 우연히 거주하고 있는 민족의 sovereignty, 그들과의 협정, 약속은 무시해도 아무리 모랄상의 문제는 없다, 라고 하는 17세기 초의 Virginia Company 설립에 시작되는 자본주의 와 Plymouth 입식 때까지 거슬러 올라가는 선민 사상이 융합한 근본 이념은 정권, 당파, 국내 정책에서의 대립, 소위 리버럴인지 보수인지의 차이를 불문하고 현재에 이르기까지 성공적으로 일관되고 있다.
1898년 정책 결정에 큰 힘을 준 세 명의 정치인 중 Theodore Roosevelt와 Henry Cabot Lodge의 손자 반세기 후 미국 서냉전기에 이란, 과테말라의 진보적인 개혁을 목표로 하는 현지 정권 전복을 위해, 현재에도 친숙한 미디어, 첩보기관, 지역의 반동세력을 이용하는 모략의 포뮬러를 만들어 내 주요 역할을 담당한 것은 흥미롭다. (Roosevelt를 포함해 본서에 등장하는 대통령 2명, 국무장관 1명, 한층 더 본저 후에 북아프리카에서 차례차례로 정권 전복에 성공한 그 연설이 능한 대통령도 노벨 평화상을 수상하고 있다) 이 2명, 한층 더 2명의 손자 모두 Harvard의 졸업생이지만, 그 외 본서의 등장 인물의 대부분도 동교를 포함한 동부 명문 대학의 관계자, 명가의 출신. 울 올 거리 중추의 법률 사무소 Sullivan & Cromwell 가 완수한 역할, 한층 더 구종주국의 악명 높은 식민지주의자가 창설한 장학생 제도에 선발되어 Oxford에서 배운 경험자들이 높이 평가되어 정치, 외교의 중추에 중용되어 온 사실을 겹치면 해외 개입주의야말로 이 나라의 에스타브리시먼트가 뚝 떨어지는 대영제국에서 계승한 북대서양을 세계의 정점으로 하는 정통교의 orthodoxy임을 알 수 있다.
'민주주의를 지킨다', '테러와의 싸움', '인권구제'라는 마케팅상의 주제 아래, 민주적 프로세스를 거쳐 선출되어 자국민의 권익을 지키려는 현지 정권, 그 중에는 미국 신화를 이상으로 하는 지도자도 독재자(피부색은 불문하고 타겟으로 하는 국가의 itler, 傀儡정권의 리더를 Churchill, 개입에 신중한 국내 세력을 Chamberlain에 비유하면 국민이 사고 정지가 되는 것은 재미있다)라고 비난한 데다 군사 쿠데타, 직접 개입, 역시 경제 제재를 통해 전복한 데에서의 비민주적 傀儡政権의 수. 인프라를 파괴하고 많은 사망자, 난민을 낳고, 결과적으로 남는 것은 기와의 산과 압정에 의한 현지 국민의 피해만이라고 하는, 제3자로부터 보면 큰 모순도 그들에게 있어서는 코라테랄 데미지 밖에 없다는 것을 이해할 수 있다.
2. 신경이 쓰인 점
저자는 과테말라, 이란에서의 정권 전복이 그 후의 쿠바에서의 사회주의 혁명, 이란 이슬람 혁명을 가져왔다는 결과를 가지고, 현장의 목소리를 무시한 정부 중추에 있어서의 냉전 사고에 굳어진 그룹 think에 의한 판단 실수, 오산의 예로 하고 있지만, 그 결단이 단순한 전략이 아니라 천명에 의한 것이라고 하는 신앙에 근차한 것이라고 생각하면, Dulles 등 정책 책임자에게 있어서는 스스로 몰라 문제는 그것을 받아들이지 않는 상대방에 있다는 이해일 것이다. 그러므로 이러한 굴종하지 않는 이교도, 이단자(보다 넓은 의미에서는 아이티도 포함된다)에 대한 제재는 가혹한 것이 될 수밖에 없다. 한편, 하와이처럼 뜻대로 개종에 성공해 표면상은 민주주의 체제에 짜넣어 약간의 경제적 혜택에 욕하게 되어도 저자가 말하는 바와 같이 결과 오라이가 아니고, 강제적으로 정권 전복을 받아 sovereignty를 빼앗긴 측의 주민에게 있어서는 본질적으로 재앙인 것에 변함은 없다. (미국인의 저자에 의한 시점이라는 제약은 어쩔 수 없지만)
3.본저후의 전개
직접적 군사 개입에 의한 자국 병사의 인적 손해에 대한 여론의 비판이 높아진 이라크 전쟁(단, 개입 그 자체에 대해서는 유엔 안보리에서의 허위 보고를 포함해 누구 한 사람 국내외로부터 명확한 책임을 묻지 않았지만,) 이후, 대외 개입 정책은 종 래의 군산 복합체와 첩보기관에 고등교육기관, 엔터테인먼트업계, 인권NGO, 국제기관, 동맹국, 상대국의 사법기관을 휘말린 소프트파워도 구사해 보다 조직화되어 교묘하고 대담한 형태로 패권유지를 위해 해외 정권 전복 활동(hybrid) war)에 매진하고 있다. 또한 주요 국내산업의 공동화로 전쟁산업이 국가경제에서 차지하는 상대적 영향력은 현저히 높아졌고, 최대 공공사업으로 고용 관점에서도 반대할 수 있는 정치인은 존재할 수 없게 되었다.
미국 서전쟁의 발단이 된 메인호 사건을 부추긴 것은 옐로 저널리즘이라고 불린 허스트계 신문이지만, 90년대 규제 완화에 의한 기존 미디어의 집약, 과점화에 의해 미국의 미디어와 정부의 관계도 일본의 상황(client journalism)과 닮아왔다. 일찌기 이 나라의 이른바 진보적 지식인 여러분이 리버럴파로서 신봉해 거점으로 온 그 유럽의 공공 방송이나 통신사도, 동해안의 신문사도, Noam Chomsky 말하는 해외 패권주의를 위한 consent manufacturer인 것이 분명해져 왔다.
게다가 거대 인터넷 플랫폼의 출현을 통해 신구 미디어에 의한 여론 컨트롤은 보다 깊고 직접적인 것이 되어 정통교리에 따르지 않는 이단자의 목소리를 표무대에서 배제하고 있다. 결과적으로 일반 대중, 한때는 존재했던 반전 평화세력 사이에서도 냉전 종결 이후 새롭게 주어진 '인권개입'이라는 대의명분의 효과도 더해져 해외 개입주의나 자신의 moral superiority 그 자체에 대한 의문과 비판의 목소리는 거의 들을 수 없게 되었다. 더 이상 이것을 그만두는 것은 내부적 팽창에 의해 금융 시스템이 자괴하는 것 외에는 가능성은 눈에 띄지 않는다.
4. 일본인 독자를 위한 시사
세계가 다극화를 향해 눈부신 움직임을 보이고 있음에도 불구하고, 무릎 밑에서는 이미 과반수의 시민의 신뢰를 잃은 구미 주요 메디아의 나라테이브, 그 주회 지연의 번역판에 완전히 의거 하고 있는 이 나라의 신문이나 텔레비전 뉴스의 정보 버블 속에 있는 이 나라의 일반 시민도 개별의 자극적인 헤드라인에 휘두르지 않고 세계 정세의 뒤편을 이해해야 한다고 다시 가르쳐 준다. 게다가 타인사가 아니라 이 나라를 포함한 동아시아 전후 정치사의 다양한 전환점에 일어난 검찰이 주도하고 누설된 언론이 싸우는 불가해한 의혹, 사건에 의한 독립적인 외교정책을 지향하는 정치인 실추극의 배경, 한편 기득 권익의 가장 큰 수익자인 범용한 세습정치가가 '개혁'의 기수와 대접되어 장기 정권을 다하는 괴, 및 향후 동아시아에서 아마 일어나고, 부응 없이 말려들게 될 사상 등에 대해서도 깊이 생각해 주는 저작이라고 생각한다.
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From other countries
John Berry
4.0 out of 5 stars Overthrow by Stephen Kinzer
Reviewed in the United States on 22 May 2025
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
This is a fascinating book about all the countries the US has overthrown beginning with Alaska and ending with Iraq. The only reason I didn't give this book a five star rating is because the reader may become exhausted over the repetition. By repetition I'm referring to how our country has minimized other countries beliefs and by covert operations or invasion, destroyed relationships. One may become weary to the point of thinking, oh no not again! The author presented great detail and explanation as well as the author's summary of events. So, I'm not blaming the author, I'm blaming our country.
We have entered into covert operations over threats by foreign countries, or more accuratly, perceived threats, to outright miss reading the tea leaves. And every other reason one can think of such as transportation, lumber, bananas, Pepsi and of course oil, to name a few. We have invaded because of poor intelligence or perhaps just to show the world how strong we may be.
The only element we have been consistent in; is how we left these countries. Usually destroyed and defenseless from the internal parasites that pop their heads up once we leave. We have succeeded in leaving these countries, at best, only a bit better for a short time. Now they have no infrastructure, no single governing body and opportunities for those wishing to rob the country of resources and a sustainable economy.
So, yes this book is worth reading. I very much enjoy this author's writings and literary style. His research is phenomenal. I have read at least five of his books thus far.
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Mr. D. T. Marchesi
4.0 out of 5 stars We all know it, in our hearts, but...
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 16 October 2011
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
The US, founded as a republic in a revolt against the British Empire, has learnt a good deal from its past masters. Just like us, but maybe more so in this post-modern age, Americans are constantly, relentlessly re-assured that they are more than o.k., and that the odd transgression is really just a slip by a "bad apple".The story Mr Kinzer tells comes up-to-date, and surveys a century + of American Imperialism- a policy and practice of the overthrow of people like the Queen of Hawaii do we often ask how the Americans came to be in Pearl Harbour in December 1941 ? Kinzer points out that, once minoritised , largely through the importing of labourers from China and India, Hawaiians voted against the US protectorate c.1900 in the one place where they remained a majority in their own islands)and, closer to our time, the Grenadian rebels (the US vs. Grenada might raise a laugh of derision for Mr Reagan and his buddies, but, of course, this almost grotesque incident illustrates the total shamelessness of the liars who plan, execute and defend every similar move by the US Basically, as the "White Man's Burden" was taken up in the Philippines etc, racism/ religiose sanctimony dressed itself up as humanitarian intervention - reading the story of the US invasion of the Philippines is enough to turn your stomach. From the lesser-known,older invasions and overthrowals to the current murderous campaigns in the Middle East and Africa, Kinzer charts the cynicism and brutality of an American elite which worships the dollar and which keeps far too many on side by its manipulation of the news and, eventually, of history.He tells the story quite racily , and can be recommended alongside William Blum for his honest attempt to alert the American public and the rest of us to the crimes of those who claim to speak for freedom and humanity but who, in fact know no other humanity than their own overblown self-regard and no other freedom than the unfettered right of the mighty to seek riches and power anywhere in the world.As a symbol of the harm which the militarists and the CIA etc have done to the world , the Shah stands out, not forgetting the decade of support for the Taliban, the Hekmatyrs and even for bin Laden . In these dastardly adventures, Kinzer notes the complicity of the British (in Iran, we took the lead, as is quite well-known, to overthrow Mossadegh) One cannot argue that the US ruling classes have been uniquely aggressive and power-drunk, of course, but their smarmy self-righteousness is possibly worthy of the Guinness Book of Records. Readers may wish to look up the comments of General Smedley Butler, a leading "counter-insurgency" soldier of the 1898-1920's period quoted by Kinzer,who exposes the lie which he had swallowed for many years. A reminder here, too, of the first 9/11 which saw the killing of Chile's Allende and the installation of a gruesome , torturing dictatorship in place of a democracy which the CIA end its agents had spent two tears or more in undermining.
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Carol Ward
5.0 out of 5 stars Required reading
Reviewed in Canada on 4 March 2020
Format: KindleVerified Purchase
This is a book that should be read by anyone who travels to places like Guatemala, Honduras, Chile, the Philippines, Cuba, and even Puerto Rico and Hawai’i. To go to these places ignorant of what we have done to them is inexcusable.
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pkspalding
5.0 out of 5 stars AN EXCELLENT OVERVIEW
Reviewed in the United States on 6 June 2022
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
'Overthrow' does a very good job of showing that overthrowing and destabilizing regimes, rather than being the exception, is the dirty reality of the US Empire. The first example cited here is Hawaii, and the overthrow of the of the Monarchy, to make a government ready to do the bidding of powerful families involved in sugar and other raw materials, as well as the equally odious Christian missionaries.
However, beginning before the US Civil War, fully half of México was stolen and annexed to the US. Attempts we're made to expand chattel slavery to Nicaragua, among other countries of centroamerica. The history of the US in the second half of the 19th Century is one of conquest and colonialism. After the Second World War the newly created CIA, the successor to the wartime OSS, got to work by destabilizing Italy to ensure the defeat of the Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) the party that had led the fight against the fascists and had enormous prestige in Italy. By dirty tricks and the spending of vast sums of money, the Christian Democrats gained power, quite willing to do the CIA's bidding. The trade unions in France were broken, again because they were largely aligned with the PCF, the French Communist Party. Germany, where they ensured that the reunification of Germany, as a non-aligned state, was made impossible.
Iran, Guatemala, a failed attempt in Cuba, and on and on across the globe, the US used its unparalleled power and resources to mold countries to our liking, or destroy them in the process. Indonesia is one grievous example, and US Imperialism run rampant defines the 1960's-70's in South America, Chile, Brasil, Argentina, Uruguay,Bolivia and Peru is not a complete list, but the outcomes were despairingly similar: kidnappings, disappearances, torture (ably aided by US torture experts, such as Dan Mitrione, a USAID 'police specialist' in Uruguay, who was kidnapped and executed by Leftist
guerillas.
In summation, a very sound overview of US foreign policy, colonialist and Imperialist.
A good companion work to Kinzer's 'The Brothers', about the demonic duo of John Foster and Allen Dulles, who were given a remit by Eisenhower to do as they wished.
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ian
5.0 out of 5 stars Excellent analysis
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 5 July 2018
Format: KindleVerified Purchase
An excellent analysis of what has really happened in so many far from successful national interventions. Explains why so much hatred endures, and how one country overthrowing another rarely brings lasting benefits to the subject peoples.
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Taryn
5.0 out of 5 stars History repeats itself. Definitely worth the read.
Reviewed in the United States on 5 February 2017
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
I’m from the Caribbean twin island nation of Trinidad & Tobago. I bought this book primarily for a rudimentary understanding of many (all would be too ambitious) of the instances America contributed to a foreign government’s overthrow.
While this book achieves that, it was somewhat a victim of its own ambitions. It covers the “overthrow” of FOURTEEN countries in 322 pages. Some countries got their own chapter; others were mixed into a single chapter depending on their degree of interrelatedness.
This occasionally made for slightly confusing reading because it was a little tough to keep track of the various leaders, players and plots afoot. With no more than a chapter dedicated to any one country, I often got the sense that pertinent details were being glossed over, overly simplified or left out altogether in favour of succinctness. Being familiar with Chile and Iran’s overthrows, I could see where this was the case.
Despite the above, this book still deserves 5 stars. As it is, it’s an excellent starting point in the American intervention conversation; one can now choose which country’s details to delve into, while maintaining a general understanding of many others.
Frankly, this is a must-read for Americans who want to understand one of the main (certainly not only) reasons for anti-Americanism. The gap between America’s pro-corporate actions and pro-democratic rhetoric in its foreign policies is somewhat well known, if only in principle, throughout the world, yet some Americans seem relatively oblivious. This book gives high level details.
As a non-American, my previously stated aim for buying this book is actually nestled in my overall interest in geo-politics – to better understand current world events and relationships in the context of historical events. So I suppose if anyone (American or not) wants a better understanding of ongoing geopolitical circumstances, this book would be helpful although I’m not sure it’s absolutely necessary. I personally wanted some broad views before delving into Russia, China and the Middle East, although after having read this book, Latin America became even more interesting.
Finally, this book was written over a decade ago and only casually mentioned a few things that for me highlighted the parallels between Trump’s and Reagan’s election and Trump the man and George W Bush the man. Reading this in the wake of Trump’s first 2 weeks as president was downright terrifying. Why? Because the personal biases, ideological leanings, short-sightedness and international ignorance of American presidents and their inner circles, coupled with the corrupting influence of corporate interest (which is stronger now than any previous time in history), shaped the lives of millions of people throughout the world in significant and often negative ways. All this done under benevolent, and mostly false, pretences.
History has already repeated itself. So, definitely worth the read.
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Arne Andreasen
5.0 out of 5 stars Another great book from amazon
Reviewed in Canada on 10 April 2019
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Very interesting over view of the US regime change disasters. Very well researched. Written to be read.
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Colin
5.0 out of 5 stars WOW, want to know what you were never told ...
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 6 July 2015
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WOW, want to know what you were never told about in History class in school? I suggest you read this. Anyone who though the British had the monopoly on Empire read this! Just read this!
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Bob Tisdale
5.0 out of 5 stars An excellent and honest perspective particularly as it is written by ...
Reviewed in Canada on 18 April 2015
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An excellent and honest perspective particularly as it is written by an American. Every American should read this book on how the U.S. destroyed this country leaving them to live in a life of despair and poverty.
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Paul Froehlich
5.0 out of 5 stars Do As I Say, Not As I Do
Reviewed in the United States on 22 July 2017
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Most Americans are outraged by Russian interference in our 2016 election. That’s because we hold dear our right to self-determination without another country determining the outcome. On the other hand, the USA has a long history of not showing the same kind of respect for the self-determination of other nations that we expect for ourselves. This book describes in shocking detail the fourteen times our country has overthrown legitimate governments – some duly elected – around the world. This is not dry history, however; Kinzer’s retelling reads like a suspense novel.
The first instance came in 1893 when the American ambassador in Hawaii conspired with American planters to overthrow the native government of Queen Liliuokalani. It took 100 years for the U.S. government to recognize the error of its ways. A resolution passed Congress and signed by President Clinton in 1993 states that Congress, “apologizes to native Hawaiians on behalf of the people of the United States for the overthrow of the Hawaiian kingdom on Jan. 17, 1893,” and for the subsequent “deprivation of the rights of Native Hawaiians to self-determination.”
Unfortunately, there has been no similar apology to the peoples of Iran, Cuba, the Philippines, Nicaragua, Guatamala, Vietnam and Puerto Rico. Hawaii is the 50th state. If Puerto Rico ever becomes the 51st, perhaps then another apology will be forthcoming.
Following Hawaii, the second overthrow came at the end of the Spanish-American War, when the McKinley administration decided to take control of several Spanish colonies, instead of liberating them to govern themselves. The “consent of the governed” did not matter to most Americans when it came to Cubans, Puerto Ricans and Filipinos.
Before Congress agreed to declare war on Spain, the Teller Amendment had to be added to gain sufficient support. That Amendment declares that “the people of the island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. The United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island.” Once the war ends. the USA intends “to leave the government and control of the island to its people.”
Cuban rebels had been actively fighting Spanish rule three years, and they expected to gain their promised independence fighting alongside the Americans. Nonetheless, the Teller Amendment was quickly discarded at the end of the war as McKinley announced that the USA would rule Cuba.
The new policy was embodied in the Platt Amendment of 1901, “a crucial document in the history of American foreign policy,” because versions of “plattismo” were subsequently applied to many nations in Central America and the Caribbean. Under this Amendment, which was adopted with only Republican votes, the USA agreed to end its occupation of Cuba as soon as Cubans accepted a constitution giving the U.S. the rights to maintain military bases, to supervise the treasury, and “the right to intervene for the preservation of Cuban independence or the maintenance of a government adequate for the protection of property and individual liberty.”
Cubans weren’t the only Latin Americans denied self-determination. Similar domination happened to Nicaragua and Honduras, initially to protect the monopolies of a handful of American banana corporations. This interference led to generations of dictators, conflict and death. To this day, Honduras has the world’s highest murder rate, in part due to American policies.
The greatest tragedy happened to the Philippines. The Filipino guerilla leader, Emilio Aguinaldo, understood that his people were promised their independence by Admiral Dewey, who later swore he made no such commitment. The USA paid $20 million to Spain for the islands. Meanwhile, the rebels had elected an assembly, produced a constitution, and proclaimed the independent Republic of the Philippines in 1899, with Aguinaldo as president. The new government was determined to defend its independence. McKinley had other plans.
The war to suppress Philippine independence lasted three years and led to tens of thousands of deaths. Recent estimates put the total at 250,000. U.S. troops used torture and massacre of civilians suspected of aiding the guerillas. The New York Post wrote that American troops “have been pursuing a policy of wholesale and deliberate murder.” This war was one of the worst episodes in Filipino history. Filipinos were denied their independence until 1946.
The first CIA overthrow of a foreign government was in Iran in 1953. The second came the following year in Guatamala. Both countries had democratically elected governments, and both were forcibly replaced by dictators – the Shah in one, and a former army officer in the other. The long-term effects were tragic.
The next target for overthrow was in 1963 when JFK decided to remove the Diem regime that the USA had installed in South Vietnam. A friend of America, Diem was murdered and the war was lost anyway.
Chile was the next target. The CIA had interfered in elections there since 1964 to prevent a socialist from winning. After Salvador Allende won, the CIA fomented his overthrow in 1973, installing a brutal dictator, Gen. Pinochet.
Other targets were the governments in Grenada in 1983, Panama in 1989, and Iraq in 2003. Kinzer compares George W. Bush to William McKinley: both believed they were morally justified, and neither anticipated the deadly insurgencies that followed in the Philippines and in Iraq.
“Do as I say, not as I do,” isn’t persuasive for children, much less to the rest of the world. American officials frequently assert the right to intervene militarily or otherwise whenever and where ever it is deemed in the American interest to do so, even to protect the interest of American corporations. “In almost every case,” writes Kinzer, “overthrowing the government of a foreign country, has, in the end, led both that country and the United States to grief.” Consequently, Americans should recognize the sources of anti-American resentment, and be less hypocritical in denouncing other nations who follow our example. If it’s wrong for others, then by what principle of international law is it justified when we do it? ###
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From other countries
Barbara Bernander
5.0 out of 5 stars Fast service
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 16 May 2020
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No gripes whatsoever!
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Blethook
4.0 out of 5 stars "Democracy" ala USA
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 22 September 2007
Format: PaperbackVerified Purchase
This book details America's thirst for other countries' resources in order to support its existence. From Hawaii to Iraq, each under a different pretext, ranging from liberating the oppressed population, containing the spread of communism, spreading democracy, to fighting religious terrorism the overthrowing of foreign governments, whose agendas are not inline with those of the US, by the US government has been going on for over a century.
Often backed by large, very powerful corporations, the overthrow of the foreign governments by the US government has only one thing in mind: USA's own interests (not necessarily the common people of USA, however).
This is the kind of book that you don't have to read from page one to the end, if you don't want to as each chapter is modular: Each chapter/section in the book details one overthrow (more or less). If you want to know about the Panama (Noriega) episode, for example, chapter 11 is what you want to read.
After reading the details of a few of the overthrows, I couldn't help myself making up a profile for the sort of foreign government that would qualify for overthrowing by the US government (most governments in the world would qualify, unfortunately):
1. The foreign country has resources the US government wants.
2. The foreign government does not necessarily have US interests high on their priority list (but doesn't have to pose direct/indirect threat to the US).
3. The foreign country is smaller & weaker (The US wouldn't pick on China for a direct confrontation, for sure - not alone, anyway).
As another reviewer has pointed out, the book could be depressing & sad to read at times as it is often the innocent bystanders and the defenseless that would bear the brunt of the events.
Over & over again, foreign government whose agendas and policies are not inline with those of the US would find itself replaced by one who would, with no care whatsoever for the interests of the people in the affected country.
The irony in all of this is that the replacement regime would often incite another kind of revolution that would then bring about yet another regime that would cause bigger problems for the rest of the world.
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Gilbert I. Salam
5.0 out of 5 stars Book is very interesting. Fair accurate account of American corporations involvement in America's foreign policies.
Reviewed in Canada on 26 May 2013
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Any person interested in knowing what guides America's foreign policies should read this book. The deciet of American governments' foreign policies.
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Chris
4.0 out of 5 stars 5 star for the presentation of the facts BUT writing was choppy
Reviewed in the United States on 10 April 2025
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I have the benefit of hindsight in reviewing this book as it’s been out for 15+ years before I picked it up, so I’m trying to factor that in to my review.
What I liked about the book is the how the aurthor presented the historical facts without trying to make excuses for America, which had to be difficult at the time the book came out.
What I disliked was that there was a certain choppiness to the flow that makes me think the publisher came back to him and asked for more words OR an editor asked for a situation to be explained differently and the author either added fluff OR added paragraphs that basically repeated themselves. Hopefully I’m explaining that in a way that’s understandable. Another negative is the author’s attempts to “Monday Morning QB” what might have been for all the countries we staged coups on. There are a ton of variables that go into that game, so just assuming the country would have been closer to a better outcome had we not intervened isn’t very useful. This can clearly be seen now (2025) in his opinion that had we used more troops in Afghanistan, we could have had a better outcome. Looking at that war after 20+ years of useless conflict and then a disastrous withdrawal, that obviously wasn’t true….but again, I have the benefit of time that he didn’t have when writing that section of the book.
Overall, a great book that should be required reading. We have a sordid history that we tend to try not to highlight so books like this are definitely needed to uncover the real truths.
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janu
5.0 out of 5 stars very good book about the USA criminal war machine with about ...
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 19 September 2014
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very good book about the USA criminal war machine with about 140 agressions wars that killed millions innocent people
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GRAEME DRYSDALE
3.0 out of 5 stars a primer at best
Reviewed in the United States on 25 April 2013
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Kinzer has compiled an easy to read summary of some of the worst interventions initiated by US administrations in the politics of nations to be considered at odds with or in opposition to US domestic-foreign policy. And it is certainly only a selective summary, considering that since 1945 US administrations have overthrown at least 50 democratically elected governments. But what Kinzer has offered amounts to a worthy introduction to his subject, a primer for those who want a succinct account of a brief selection of US-led invasions of foreign nations; but to remain satisfied with Kinzer's book would be to ignore, and thus remain ignorant of a more fuller and detailed history, one that needs to be attained from various other sources.
I say US-led invasions because the US has not always been alone in its endeavours to overthrow many of the `governments' that it did dispose of, and whilst the US was the dominant player it has often sought to justify and add credibility to its aggressive foreign policy by enlisting the aid of other countries. What has yet to emerge is what influences it imposed on these countries to ignore the public/democratic opinion and embark alongside the US on its' crusades.
The even limited involvement of other, smaller nations has consistently been applied to add credibility and a veneer of international support to aggressive US-led expeditions into foreign territories. Think Vietnam, Iraq I/ Iraq sanctions/Iraq II for starters.
Successive Australian [ie my] governments have willingly, unquestioningly, and like docile lap-dogs offered the services of Australian youth to support US foreign policy. Australian youth were conscripted into the armed forces for duty in Vietnam by obedient and successive conservative Prime Ministers (Robert Menzies, Harold Holt & John Gorton, 1949-1972), and it wasn't until a Labor Prime Minister (PM), Gough Whitlam, 1972-75, that Australia ended its involvement in Vietnam. When Australia withdrew from Vietnam, Frank Shepp, at the time a CIA employee based in Saigon summed up US policy towards Australia when he remarked that `Australians might as well be regarded as North Vietnamese collaborators'. Regretfully it was another Labor PM, Bob Hawke, who promptly sidled up to and provided George Bush with Australian personnel when Bush instigated the first US-led invasion of Iraq. And even though Australian involvement in Iraq II was instigated under a conservative PM, the opposition ALP leader, Simon Crean, was certainly reticent to totally support a peaceful solution.
In 1973 The Chilean government, aware that US intelligence and corporate operatives were deliberately and actively undermining Allende, expelled known US `spies' from Chile. The void was willingly assumed by Australian intelligence operating out of its embassy. An act which occurred during Whitlam government, but without his knowledge and certainly lacking his imprimatur for his was a supporter of the democratic process in Chile. Yet the same PM, on the advice of his ambassador in Jakarta and White House staff turned a blind eye when Indonesia invaded East Timor in December 1975, an invasion sanctioned by US President Ford & Kissinger.
The tenth `anniversary' of the second US-led invasion of Iraq - April 2013 - has been accompanied by reflection and revision in the Australian media of our role in this obscenity. Then PM, John Howard, remains convinced that Australia's participation in this US-led crusade was, and remains the right thing to have done. Even though public opinion polls at the time estimated that 70-80% of Australians opposed participation. Then secretary to the federal parliamentary intelligence committee, Margaret Swieringa, has written at length how Howard chose to ignore what her committee advised, choosing instead total obedience to G.W. Bush; even a decade later Howard refused to acknowledge the lie about WMDs that justified an escalation of the war on Iraq. Alexander Downer, Australia's then Foreign Minister, trotted out the ingenious, and oft-repeated justification; "Let me be blunt; I think we were right to play our own small part in the destruction of the regime of Saddam Hussein. It was a far from perfect operation, mistakes were made and the sectarian violence which followed was appalling. But there are three reasons why the world is better off for the demise of the Hussein regime. The first is simple humanity. Hussein's regime was one of extreme brutality. He murdered thousands of his people - Shiites and Kurds - to consolidate his dictatorial hold on power. He used chemical weapons against his own people".
So what's my point?
Firstly, the US is ever eager to garner the support, no matter how meager, of its obedient allies in order to provide legitimacy to its crusades, not that any absence of this component inhibits US intentions, but it is clearly preferred. Kinzer chooses, in his examples, to either or avoid or underplay this element.
Secondly, what has never emerged in Australia is what influence and pressure that Bush junior exacted on PM Howard in order to secure compliance in the face of such strident opposition by Australian voters; some have suggested a free-trade agreement, but at some stage Howard must have feared for his reelection, so why did he seemingly jeopardise this. (Like Bush, Howard was re-elected for another term in government; it is worth noting that there are no constitutional limits on how many consecutive terms an Australian PM can serve). Kinzer, because he fails to examine the roles played by US allies, has nothing to offer as to how US administrations attain obedience from its allies.
Thirdly. The war on Iraq commenced in 1991, and even though the majority of non-Iraqi troops withdrew, US and UK military personal maintained a forceful air presence over Iraq; sanctions were maintained via the support of successive US administrations: Bush/Dukakis, Clinton/Gore & Bush/Cheney, successive UK PMs, and the complicity of successive Australian PMs. The sanctions were a continuation of the war fought by the military; sanctions were an horrific and immoral war aimed specifically and intentionally at Iraqi citizens. The `Coalition of The Willing" was merely another phase of a war that has now extended over three decades. `Overthrow' fails to make this continuity explicitly clear.
Kinzer avoids the imposition of US desires upon reluctant allies.
If withdrawing from the war in Vietnam did not gain Gough Whitlam any friends in Washington DC, his talk of both limiting the number of US bases on Australian soil ensured that he made enough enemies to censure his own dismissal from government. With the renewal of the base at Pine gap only 12 months away, and no certainty that Whitlam would resign the lease the White House grew nervous and duplicitous. On November 11, 1975, the governor-general of Australia - officially Queen Elizabeth II's local representative, the Queen being the `head of state' in most Commonwealth countries - sacked the elected government. There is evidence to suggest that there was active initiation and participation in `The Dismissal' by the US government.
New Zealand (NZ) has also participated in some of the US-led expeditions into foreign lands, notably Vietnam. In 1984, then PM Lange's government legislated that NZ waters were a nuclear-free zone, which mightily annoyed President Reagan, for it meant that the US Navy and its nuclear armed vessels could no longer harbour in NZ waters. With stealth the US then imposed trade sanctions and embargoes which crippled the NZ economy for well over a decade, actions from which the NZ economy has not fully recuperated.
It is not just recalcitrant nations, as Kinzer's omissions imply, that US administrations are prepared to overthrow or undermine. There is much more to US invasions of independent nations than Kinzer lets on, his focus is on the more obvious and blatant incursions, neglecting the more prevalent subtle approach.
From the perspective of an outsider, an Australian, there is an inherent hypocrisy evident in US administrations in the period covered by Overthrow. US Presidents expect compliance and obedience to principles that primarily benefit their constituents alone, and in order to do so they advocate policies, deals and ideals that they expect from everybody else, but these are principles which they themselves fail to meet. The current issue of nuclearisation of North Korea and Iran being the most evident; now whilst neither have these countries have administrations that can be truly trusted, the US expects one set of standards from North Korea and Iran whilst concurrently supporting and permitting another nation that has a record of encroaching upon neighboring territories, a nation in possession of a nuclear arsenal which it denies having. Furthermore, until the US actively dissembles its own nuclear capacity, to proclaim that other nations, all bar one other elephant in the room, cannot achieve nuclear capability just does not wash.
Kinzer displays a bias towards US democracy, that these nations would have willing adopted US style politics were they freely given the opportunity. This may come as a surprise, but US-style democracy is not held in high regard by the rest of the democratised world, it is not the only model. And what Kinzer most certainly misses is that US incursions into foreign democratic states has little do with democracy, not even US democracy, let's not be so naïve; these invasions have primarily - like most wars - intended to serve corporate and financial interests, which brings us back to one of the most common criticisms directed at the US model of democracy: US presidents are bought and controlled essentially due to the obscene levels of capital required to launch a presidential campaign.
The most obvious point of discussion and analysis missing from `Overthrow' is whether or not US administrations are to be trusted; trusted anymore than the nations that they seek to overthrow either blatantly or surreptitiously, allied or supposed foe.
Margaret Swieringa. `Howard ignored official advice on Iraq's weapons and chose war', The Age, 12 April 2013.
Mark Forbes, `Former PM does himself no credit with Iraq war figleaf', The Age, April 13, 2013.
Alexander Downer, `Even with hindsight the Iraq war was the best option for all concerned', The Age, March 25, 2013
John Pilger, A Secret Country, (Vintage 1992)
John Pilger, War On Democracy - documentary (2007)
John Cleary, Shakedown: Australia's grab for Timor oil, (Allen & Unwin, 2007)
Margo Kingston, Not Happy, John! Defending our democracy (Penguin, 2004)
Wikipedia, New Zealand's nuclear-free zone
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John R. Holmes, Jr.
5.0 out of 5 stars America's Parade of Foreign-Policy Horribles
Reviewed in the United States on 3 May 2014
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If you need to believe America is always right and that everything your country has ever done was only done to foster freedom and democracy around the world, you're not going to like Stephen Kinzer's book. On the other hand, if you value truth over delusion, and especially if you've got a strong stomach for a parade of horribles, I strongly recommend "Overthrow."
For one thing, Kinzer explains why Iran hates us. It seems that in 1953 our country covertly destabilized and then overthrew Iran's democratically elected government. We then installed one of the most ruthless dictators in history, the Shah of Iran. After 25 years of oppression, a religious leader they called the Ayatollah Khomeini precipitated the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which led to the taking of our Iranian embassy and the holding of over 50 American hostages for 444 days. Iran has been our intractable enemy ever since.
As you'll see, it's all been down hill from there. You already knew Iran was our mortal enemy, but if you believe Mr. Kinzer it's because we created them. And if that's the case, it follows that the First Gulf War, the 9/11 attack, the Invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, and all the events that followed are in one way or another arguably fallout from that one fateful 1953 decision.
By the way, Iran is just one of Kinzer's many examples. He starts with the overthrow of Hawaii in 1893 that led to their annexation (and ultimately to statehood). He then describes the Spanish American war and it's many consequences. He extensively describes all of our interventions in Cuba and South America, as well as some of the undisclosed reasons for our involvement in Vietnam. I can't remember all the countries and events he describes, but it's a long list.
Among other things, Kinzer reveals that most of the worst strong-men of the last century were America's puppets, including Pinochet and Saddam. One especially interesting revelation is that one of our puppets, Sergeant Batista, canceled the Cuban elections in which Fidel Castro was running for elected office. Apparently that's what forced Castro to become a revolutionary, thereby creating another long-term intractable enemy.
You'll have to read the book for the whole story. I'm just listing these few examples to pique your interest. As for how believable he is, the author provides extensive historical detail, including quotes from declassified government communications and contemporary news publications. Overall, I found it very credible.
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Alex
5.0 out of 5 stars Chronicle of Folly
Reviewed in the United States on 17 May 2012
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Stephen Kinzer offers in this book a cautionary tale about neo-conservatism (without ever calling it by its name, though). Drawing on the history of U.S. foreign policy and foreign interventions to change regimes abroad, from the Progressive Era to the present, he exposes the rationales given for intervention, from the most cynically self-interested to the most sincerely (or self-deludedly) altruistic; the people within the U.S. opposed to intervention and their own rationales (which again range all the spectrum from self-interested to altruistic); and the conditions on the ground, including the local support for or resistance against U.S. intervention. The operations compared are hugely different: from the full scale invasion of Iraq and the Philippines with extensive fighting operations and large death tolls to the covert plots of Chile or Hawaii minimizing both the fighting and the casualties (at least the military casualties). He does not deny that some positive outcomes have come about in some places; however he demolishes the all-too-optimistic assumptions made in the corridors of power about the ease of the operations, the popular support they would find, the ability of the new regimes to collaborate with the U.S. in the sphere which originally made a regime change operation desirable in Washington in the first place; and, most importantly, the capacity of both the U.S. and the new regime to avoid a popular backlash against the U.S. which would undermine long term American interests in the country and sometimes whole regions. He recognizes that every intervention causes a clash between short term American interests of protecting or propping up a regime friendly to immediate U.S. foreign policy goals, and the broader American values of liberty, democracy and free markets - often by installing a friendly regime, but one led by thuggish dictators who imprison or kill their own populations. Yet it is the realist side, not the idealist side, which comes out as the strongest argument against adventurism and intervention: most interventions have weakened, not strengthened, the American position and soft power on each of the regions in which they have taken place, from Latin America, to Southeast Asia, to the Middle East, ultimately coming back to bite U.S. interest at inconvenient times and in even more spectacular fashion than what they were originally trying to avoid. This should be an eye opener to anyone still considering neo-conservative foreign policy (alas, still dominant on both parties) as a valid doctrine for the U.S. to follow in its relations with the rest of the world.
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Seth McAvoy
4.0 out of 5 stars Overall great, but politicaly biased
Reviewed in the United States on 30 June 2012
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The book is great overall. It reveals the truth about American Imperialism and the influence of big business in government. However Kinzer constantly infects his otherwise great book with his strong liberal Democrat bias. Without fail, the victims of American Imperialism and the people who fought against the U.S. imposed tyrannies are described as "liberal," or "leftist" regardless of where they actualy landed on the political spectrum (Mossadegh being a great example, Kinzer describes him as liberal, despite him actualy being more center conservative). Without fail the American imperialists are "right leaning," "conservative," and Republican. Yet Democratic American presidents are "anti-imperialists," in Kinzer's eyes, Democrats can do no wrong. He is extremely eager to find quotes by liberal politicians denouncing the overthrow and by conservative politicians embracing it. In his eyes, Democrats can do no wrong. He describes Grover Cleveland and Harry Truman as "anti-imperialist" and non-aggresive, despite Cleveland's horrible crimes against Native Americans and embrace of Manifest Destiny and Truman's use of the atomic bomb on a nation that was no longer a threat to the United States and following occupation of Japan. Missing from the book are the 1949 coup in Syria, wich was backed by the CIA, however, Truman, a Democrat was president at the time, and in Kinzer's eyes, Truman is guiltless. No where to be seen is the 1963 revolution in Iraq, also backed by the CIA, wich put Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath Party in power, but Kennedy was the American president at the time, so this overthrow goes unmentioned. Also unmentioned are the attacks and support of ethnic cleansing by Croat, Bosniak, and KLA extremists in Yugoslavia, leading to the creation of two new countries and an ongoing genocide in the Kosovo region of Serbia against all ethnic minorities by the de facto KLA government. What a perfect addition the overthrow in Kosovo would have been, it involved conspiracies, cover ups, and a non-existant massacre as an excuse to go to war. But no matter how great it would have gone with the rest of the book, Democrat Clinton can do no wrong. We will likely never see an expansion to this book about the overthrow of Gadaffi in Libya as it was ordered by a Democrat. I would still recomend this book though, the political bias, though irritating, does not get in the way of the facts.
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Matt Mayevsky
4.0 out of 5 stars The US policy of "regime change" in three acts.
Reviewed in the United States on 7 March 2017
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In a great introduction the author formulates the argument that the US foreign policy, developed and well established over a hundred years, the pattern of "regime change". Two factors launching pattern; a) threat to the interests of US corporations and b) fit into the current ideology / mission of the United States (hegemony, the fight against communism, the struggle for freedom and human rights).
The structure of the book, in other words the US policy of "regime change" in three acts:
1) THE IMPERIAL ERA
When Americans deposed regimes more or less openly. Hawaje, The Spanish-American War, Philippines, Nicaragua and Honduras.
2) COVERT ACTION
“During the Cold War, any direct American intervention risked provoking a reaction from the Soviets, possibly a cataclysmic one. To adjust to this new reality, the United States began using a more subtle technique, the clandestine coup d’etat, to depose foreign governments. In Iran, Guatemala, South Vietnam, and Chile, diplomats and intelligence agents replaced generals as the instruments of American intervention.”
3) INVASIONS
“By the end of the twentieth century, it had become more difficult for Americans to stage coups because foreign leaders had learned how to resist them. Coups had also become unnecessary.
That left it free to return to its habit of landing troops on foreign shores. Both of the small countries Americans invaded in the 1980s, Grenada and Panama, are in what the United States has traditionally considered its sphere of influence, and both were already in turmoil when American troops landed. The two invasions that came later, in Afghanistan and Iraq, were far larger in scale and historical importance.”
The current mission (ideology) + corporate interests (which identifies the US policy) legitimized the US authorities (in their opinion) to interference (open or hidden) in the politics of other countries.
The author quite meticulously describes the different cases of "regime change". Each chapter ends with a summary with a description of the fate of countries; victims of the policy of "regime change".
The book is very informational.
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S. Vaughan
5.0 out of 5 stars Should be Required reading for all presidents who can read
Reviewed in the United States on 2 August 2006
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If the majority of Americans were aware of the information in this book and had the courage (and/or time) to demand that our leaders apologize and make reparations to those, here and abroad, that the U.S. has exploited (including African Slave and Native American descendants), then I don't think we'd be facing a Fear Meter or any real threats of terrorist retaliation.
I include myself in this responsibility. I am an eighth-generation North Carolinian who apologizes for the atrocities committed by my ancestors against African Americans. I have extensively researched how, in 1898, North Carolina leaders used propaganda to manipulate the poor white masses into hating African Americans, so they could break up any alliances between the two that might lead to social reforms and labor unions. Like Hearst did when he tricked Americans into supporting the Spanish-American War, N.C. editors, (one in particular, who was later rewarded with an appointment to the office of Sec of U.S. Navy), printed lies and degrading cartoons on a daily basis to convince whites that black citizens, who had just worked so hard to gain the right to vote and hold office, were not deserving of these rights. After this dehumanizing media blitz, the white masses responded as expected - much in the way they responded toward Native Americans, Hawaiians, Filipinos, Cubans, Nicaraguans and Iraqis -- much in the same way Goebbels got the Germans to respond to propaganda about the Jews. Afterall, as long as Iraqi women and children are called "collateral damage," then Americans don't have to think about the true effects of bombing another country.
I know that Kinzer is correct when he hypothesizes that the smaller countries we interfered with would probably be in much better shape today if we had not intervened for selfish, mostly corporate interests, because I am sure that all North Carolinians would have fared better if the state politics of 1898 had played out differently.
So many North Carolinians know nothing about how policies beginning in the 1800s diminished the quality of life for the average state's citizen, and so many Americans are clueless about why the U.S. fights, and why they support policies against other nations that ultimately hurt us all.
Everyone, I mean EVERYONE, should read this book, wake up if not awake already, and hold our leaders accountable for correcting the past and not repeating it. Perhaps Bush should get it on tape.
This is not just another book. It explains how easily Americans have been manipulated by the press, some of which is and has been manipulated by leaders with special interests. It explains, clearly, why "they" hate us, and why they have every right to -- and why it is time for a change.
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Frank
5.0 out of 5 stars A Must-Read for Understanding History of US Foreign Policy and Mistakes Made
Reviewed in the United States on 18 November 2015
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This very timely book provides an insightful analysis of the regime changes of which the United States has orchestrated (or conspired in) since the overthrow of the Hawaiian government at the end of the 19th century. The covered regime changes include Hawaii in 1893, Nicaragua, Honduras, Cuba and the Philippines during the beginning of the 20th century, Iran and Guatemala in the 1950s, South Vietnam in the 1960s, Chile in the 1970’s and, of course, Afghanistan and Iraq in the 21st century. The author notes that in almost every American sponsored overthrow of a sovereign foreign government, the results have led to a bitter residue of pain and anger and even the slaughter of innocents in some cases. Some, as in the current cases of Afghanistan and Iraq, have turned whole nations into violent caldrons of anti-American hatred. It is very relevant that the ill-advised regime change in Iraq has cast the whole Middle East region into upheaval, instability, and unanticipated threats through the rise of ISIS.
In almost every regime change case, the political leaders of the United States have insisted that they were not acting to expand American power, but to help the people suffering in these countries. However, for most of these regime changes, the United States accomplished little or nothing to promote democracy in the countries whose governments it deposed. Perhaps the most egregious regime change was Iran in 1953. The United States overthrew a democratically elected, western oriented government in Iran and turned the country over to the Shah who oppressed his people until he, himself, was overthrown during the 1979 Revolution. It is, of course, no small wonder that the current Iranian government is very wary of the United States.
The author suggests that regime change is simply a poor substitute for a viable foreign policy and never seems to provide the intended results.
Now that we have people talking about invading Iran or “boots on the ground” in Syria, this book is timely and is a must-read for anyone trying to understand and make sense of the Middle East.
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Mcgivern Owen L
4.0 out of 5 stars Approach With an Open Mind !
Reviewed in the United States on 11 January 2007
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"Overthrow" by Stephen Kinzer is a historical synopsis of the sundry regime changes, coups, revolutions and topplings of foreign governments sponsored by the United States. Covered are actions in 14 countries: Hawaii, Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Philippines, Panama, Nicaragua, South Vietnam, Grenada, Iraq, Iran, Guatemala, Chile, Honduras and Afghanistan. The bottom line, in the author's view, is that such actions are never worth it in the long run. This direct quote from page 320 of "Overthrow" is instructive: "In almost every case, overthrowing of a foreign country has, in the end, led both that country and the United States to grief". Depending on his or her outlook, readers could carp with the author about such a blanket statement. Liberals and conservatives will surely disagree but one must credit Kinzer with taking a firm stand and expressing his opinion clearly. One could also justly complain that the author drives home the same points over and over." Yet, "O" well-written and well-researched. It is easy and fast reading with a boredom quotient of near zero. It is especially recommended for those with little historical knowledge of the United States' activities in these areas but a curiosity to know more. This reviewer was one of those folks but arming oneself with such knowledge may well be ultimately disquieting-the USA does not always wear the white hat. Those who can deal with Kinzer's one sided approach and are willing to be slightly discouraged should enjoy "Overthrow". Approaching with an open mind will certainly enhance the prospects for happy reading.
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Peter-S
5.0 out of 5 stars The Terrible Gift of American Freedom
Reviewed in the United States on 30 July 2006
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Particularly timely give the current catastrophe in Lebanon, indeed throughout the Middle East, Stephen Kinzer in "OVERTHROW: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq," catalogs with the journalist's eye for the telling detail and the historian's attention to larger patterns of change and continuity, the mostly money-grubbing, plutocratically-driven regime changes undertaken by the U.S. government over the past 100 years.
To read OVERTHROW is to come to understand how very little American citizens have to do with their government's foreign policy decisions. To read this eye-opening book is to see how the U.S. goverment, when it does need to fabricate a reason for regime change crafts a cynical appeal always to Americans' belief in the exceptional goodness of themselves and their system. In reality, American citizen's are enlisted in these undertakings in only two ways: as cannon-fodder or cheerleader.
In fact, in almost all 14 cases of "regime change" that Kinzer covers, the U.S. government's actions are nearly always driven by corporate interests: bananas in Honduras and Guatemala, sugar cane in Hawaii, copper and telecommunications in Chile, oil in Iran and Iraq. For instance, the perfect scenario for regime change in the 50s was to conjure up the specter of world Communism as the reason for deposing foreign governments who had the nerve to consider policies that interfered with American corporate interests such as the nationalization of Iran's oil resources. The perfect rationale now, of course, is global terrorism, a movement the U.S. helped create as the blowback from invasions and assassinations earlier in this century, and for which it continues to recruit with its ham-handed, simple-minded policies.
Highly recommended both for its brisk pace and its broad and balanced view of the U.S.'s mostly short-sighted and most disastrous career of regime change. Good companion reads are "HOUSE OF WAR: The Pentagon and the Disastrous Rise of American Power" by James Carroll, and "EMPIRE'S WORKSHOP: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism" by Greg Grandin.
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J G
5.0 out of 5 stars Great introduction to America and its ways
Reviewed in the United States on 31 May 2025
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Should be required for high school (good for beyond as well). The US educational system is lacking to say the least and news and politicians are full of propaganda and lies.
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Andrew Desmond
4.0 out of 5 stars From Isolationism to the World's Policeman
Reviewed in the United States on 27 November 2011
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America's longer term history has been one of contrasts. Initially, the country was very inward looking and isolationist. However, through the 20th century, it has increasingly assumed the role of the world's policeman. It has often not hesitated to become involved in wars and disturbances well beyond its shores.
Stephen Kinzer's "Overthrow" is a brisk walk through a series of events covering slightly more than 100 years. It begins with the removal of Queen Liliuokalani in Hawaii in 1893 and finishes with the ongoing quagmire that is today's Iraq. In between, Kinzer discusses Cuba and the Spanish American War, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Iran after Mossadegh before moving on to Vietnam and Afghanistan. In all these cases, the United States suffered what is now called "blowback". That is, there were consequences arising from its involvement. Perhaps the best example is Afghanistan which has been invaded by parties over the centuries from the British through the Russians and finally the Americans. Clearly, nothing has been learned from history. Afghanistan is like a giant vortex sucking in whatever comes into its path. Finding an exit strategy will be a challenge.
Kinzer's book has a questioning tone. Were these involvements always necessary and were they all a success? The reader can be left to decide. However, beyond this point, the book serves as an accessible piece of history where the reader can receive an introduction to a number of historical events which have not always been brought into the light. To this end, Kinzer has succeeded.
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Juan flores
5.0 out of 5 stars America’s History of Regime Change
Reviewed in the United States on 19 December 2024
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Kinzer’s book on a century of regime change fills in all the holes in one’s knowledge of American history with regard to overthrowing governments for the purposes of acquiring resources or to the opening of markets by force. Both of these strategies have left countries in far worse shape and have stoked higher levels of anti American resentment across the globe.
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S. Weisman
5.0 out of 5 stars Deja Vu All Over Again
Reviewed in the United States on 6 January 2007
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In 2004 John Fogarty, the leader of the 70s rock band Credence Clearwater Revival released a song about the US involvement in Iraq, called "Deja Vu All Over Again." That song continually played out in my mind, page after page of this book. The similarities in the reasons (excuses) for the actions the US has taken in all of it 'regime change' initiatives since overthrowing the Hawaiian monarchy in the 1800s are frightening.
Although I would admit to paying only scant attention to political issues and US history until I turned 40 years old 7 years ago, this book and Kinzer's other book "All the Shah's Men" have been an eye opener for me and should be required reading for any high school student studying history, and civics.
Although Kinzer clearly spells out all the negative aspects of the actions the US has taken and spends considerable time laying out all the reasons the actions were wrong, both in the moment and in historical perspective, he does also explain the positive aspects of the actions and how, in the moment with a certain core set of beliefs, the actions could be justified.
I especially liked the way he puts all of the US actions in historical worldwide perspective showing how the US is falling into the same colelctive pattern of thinking, feeling and acting other world powers throughout the ages have done, and how the US policy of 'regime change' is counter to the original beliefs and views of the Founding Fathers.
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A. R. Cuesta
5.0 out of 5 stars Objective and Well Documented Analysis
Reviewed in the United States on 8 August 2007
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This is an excellent book written by a superb writer. Contrary to other political/historical novels, this book is easily read and progresses in a smooth manner. It does not overwhelm the reader with thousands of dates and names. The author has been able to keep it down to what is important. It is a very well researched and documented literary piece. This book should be mandatory reading in US high schools and Universities. An enlightening tool that makes us wonder how the American people have allowed mistake after mistake and abuse after abuse by their government for more than 200 years. Interestingly, it comes to show that the themes which we are observing today are nothing else than a new cycle in the history of lies and corruption that has putrefied American society for at least the last 100 years. People just don't learn. People are lied over and over by their governments. Then they find out the truth, only to be lied again in the next cycle. The book cleverly illustrates the machinery of lies employed over and over by the US administration to manipulate the naive masses. Interesting also to see some prominent names, such as Dole (the pineapple company) and Mr. William Cromwell (founder of the law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell) prominently tied to the worst scandals and deceptions of the times, their reputations tainted with dirty mud.
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Pimmermen
5.0 out of 5 stars The Only Problem...
Reviewed in the United States on 3 January 2018
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Overthrow is a great book! It is not only engrossing, but the prose is very tasteful and enjoyable to read. Kinzer has also mastered the technique of adding narrative dialogue into these otherwise black and white accounts. This book is a quick read, especially because once you start reading you will find that you can't stop, and that is the only real problem I have with it. I do not fault Kinzer, as the book would be enormous if all accounts of US regime change operations were included, but I do think it would be nice to see an updated version that includes the notable most recent ones: Libya and Ukraine, and the recent failed attempts like Syria, and quite probably Iran in the very near future.
Kinzer includes cases of regime change where the scholarly discourse is more robust and where hard and fast facts can be sourced, but there are a few successful regime change operations that I think Kinzer could have included, such as; Cambodia, Laos, The Dominican Republic, Indonesia (1965), The Congo, Haiti, and unsuccessful regime change operations like; Angola, Zaire (DRC), and Somalia (1993).
Overall though, this is a fantastic and worthwhile read!
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Amazon Customer
4.0 out of 5 stars Good overview but not too deep
Reviewed in the United States on 31 January 2010
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This book is pretty much as advertised. It's a good general overview of many of the different instances in which the US was involved in regime change around the world from the overthrow of the Hawaiian monarchy to the invasion of Iraq. It is loosely organized around what the author considers to be different phases. Each chapter is fairly brief, giving only the most basic details of each incident and in many cases, the outcomes. In the end, the overriding theme is that most of the regime changes were done for reasons that benefited the US, either economically or emotionally, and in many, if not most cases, they ended up being detrimental to pre-existing stability, democratic impulses or cultural heritage of the country whose government was overthrown.
The book is a fairly easy and enjoyable read without too many controversial claims or hints of conspiracy thinking. Most of the things the author presents are somewhat common knowledge, but many people may not be aware of some of the specific details of some of the events, so this book brings them together in one place.
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Mr C.
4.0 out of 5 stars Well written, documented, unbiased book.
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 3 June 2021
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This is well written and, although not in an exciting and sensationalist style, it makes for a compelling reading. It just shows how Amorika got where it is now by believing they're God's terrestrial fighters against the plague of Communism when, in actual fact, all they did was to secure financial gain within their sphere of influence. To them (Amorika) a few thousand (many of them) people killed in the name of capitalism and an imaginary supernatural being mean nothing, as long as their financial interests are safeguarded. It makes one wonder why they make such a big deal of 9/11.
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Wally Leitel
5.0 out of 5 stars American Imperialism ok for us...not others?
Reviewed in the United States on 6 May 2014
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I am ready to read again Mr Kinzer and his well written, downright exciting book on last about 110 years of American imperialism whereby we alone or with others have overthrown or taken for ourselves 14 countries...from taking Hawaii around the 20th century to country # 14, Iraq in 2003.
Kinzer writes as if he is sitting with you telling the story...time does not permit me to go into how we have used and abused other nations, then some wonder why many nations do not love America as we think they should?
Shame on us...thank God we have some freedoms yet but this book may unnerve you, yet it must be read. It's facts you won't find on the broadcast news and the "ego stars" there & on cable TV....who make millions telling us about everything except what is really going on.
All at once the whole nation was not telling or investigating the Iraq invasion, remember?...Then a new president who comes in, in 2008 and praises the former team in WH.....Our great country suffers, millions every single day suffer while foreign policy is "the game" this and other nations play. What a price the nations will pay one day that cry peace, peace while there is never peace.
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SR
4.0 out of 5 stars Thought-Provoking
Reviewed in the United States on 4 June 2011
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Kinzer's book details instances of U.S. regime change, from the age of the overthrow of Hawaii, to the current conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, with everything in between. This book is clearly largely created in a Cold War lens and with the Cold War in mind. It is extremely important and successful in the respect that it compiles all of these instances of U.S. regime change together so as to best compare the impacts of these various regime change actions. The conclusion: regime change never bodes well for the United States. However, I think Kinzer sells himself short in this respect. Aside from political affiliation and considerations, the zero-sum game of the Cold War sometimes necessitated difficult choices. As we are learning about the true impacts of U.S. regime change, it is clear that our intervention often did create a great deal of harm. What Kinzer fails to provide, however, is prescriptions for this problem, namely better-case scenarios for the United States, solutions of sorts.
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Amazon Customer
5.0 out of 5 stars Fantastic overview of American misadventures
Reviewed in the United States on 15 November 2024
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Superb! Reviews histories of regime change, gives great perspective and insight, and provides succinct conclusion of these failed misadventures. Strongly recommend it!
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Diane Leonard
5.0 out of 5 stars Well worth reading
Reviewed in the United States on 25 September 2013
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If you really want to know why different parts of the world do not like the United States then this is a good book to read. It lists and tells the story of the many times and places we have gone into different countries and overthrew their elected government. Hawaii, Iran, several Central American countries, The Philippines, Cuba, Vietnam Chili and Puerto Rico all were treated to the attitude that we know what's best for you. Many times we helped overthrow a democratically elected government only to see a dictator installed that then led to a bad outcome. If you want to know why Iran isn't very friendly, then this is the book for you. Many times people in this country think we are this wise and altruistic country and we wonder why other countries don't see us like we see ourselves. This book will give you the insight to see us like others see us and that is never a bad thing to do, so read this book.
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Thomas Adams
4.0 out of 5 stars Sad century plus history of invading everyplace we could think of
Reviewed in the United States on 2 November 2016
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More than you want to know about American history. Since the 1890's (and earlier) we've invaded every little country that we thought looked at us funny in the Caribbean, Central and South America, Oceania, Asia, the Middle East, (and probably Africa, but I haven't got that far). Usually on the pretext that the poor benighted heathens that live there need to become Christians (even if they already were) or weren't white enough to govern themselves (and grant special privileges to American businesses). A little tedious because of the detail, but also because of the "banality of evil". President Eisenhower's reputation must be teflon-coated, as he OKed CIA revolutions and assasinations in Iran, Honduras, Cuba, Vietnam and more, most of which caused blowback that haunts us to this day.
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Patrick M. Carroll
1.0 out of 5 stars Pretty Poor
Reviewed in the United States on 14 April 2009
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What an incredible disappointment. In this study of regime change as a tool of foreign policy, Kinzer takes on a very interesting subject but really fails to make his case. Kinzer makes all the right choices in terms of subjects to make his case, but fails utterly to tie them together in any truly meaningful way. Further frustrating is Kinzer's poor grasp of history. He regularly claims that Hawaii was America's first foray into regime change which it was clearly not. Kinzer seems unaware of the misadventures of William Walker in Nicaragua, American intervention in Texas, and the American intervention in California prior to and druing the Mexican War. He also makes claims that the US has used regime change more than any other country, which excludes the imperialst adventures of Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal, Spain, etc. Huge oversights like this pull into sharp focus questions of Kinzer's credibility and freedom from bias. Kinzer also fails to adequately express, through analysis or the use of primary sources, how the average person in each country felt about these events or even how their daily lives were truly affected by them. What Kinzer also fails to detail, in some cases but not all, is the reaction of the international community to these events. In the end, what Kinzer is attempting to do is make a moral argument against regime change and chooses foreign policy and history as the tools to make that case, tools which are not necessarily suited to the job. Far better arguments could have been made for almost all of these cases. For a better history of US intervention see Max Boot's "Savage Wars of Peace". Even if you don't necessarily agree with his conclusions, at least Boot gets the history right.
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Houman Tamaddon
5.0 out of 5 stars If Presidents read books like this, the US and the world would be a lot better off
Reviewed in the United States on 25 October 2007
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I wish every US President and voter would be required to read this book. Of course some well read Presidents/candidates already know this stuff but unfortunately for the world and US tax payers some others are ignorant. Some may argue that Overthrow has a liberal twist but one cannot argue with the facts.
Kinzer divides this book into 3 parts by US's strategy of overthrowing regimes. Each part is further divided into 4 or 5 chapters which is dedicated to one particular country. The final chapter in each part summarizes what has happened in the countries/regions since US's involvement. The book is very well organized and researched. He covers the following countries: Hawaii, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Phillipines, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Chile, Iran, Grenada, Panama, Afganistan, and Iraq.
I learned a lot from this book but it often made me very sad at our involvement in these regions. Whether you are a liberal or conservative you owe it to yourself to read this important overview of US involvement in foreign governments.
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St. James
5.0 out of 5 stars Why do they hate us?
Reviewed in the United States on 25 August 2014
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In many ways this book was an eyeopener for me. Stephen Kinzer selects 14 scenarios to remind us that GWB invasion of Iraq was not a first. In most cases the overthrows were executed at least partly at the behest of American industry in post colonial situations around the world starting in 1893 in Hawaii. In other cases the main reason was to implement a political change or American doctrines. Some overthrows may have been profitable in the short term but most have had a negative effect in the long run and delayed the development of nations towards independence and democracy. The book was first published in 2006 when we could only guess the long time effect of the Iraq invasion but many scholars consider the ISIS uprising in Syria and Iraq to be among the more or less direct consequences. The book answers in part the question that so many Americans ask themselves: Why do they hate us?
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From other countries
Solomonspalding Com
5.0 out of 5 stars Required Reading
Reviewed in the United States on 16 August 2013
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This book should be required reading for every US citizen. The author masterfully threads together the pattern which the US has followed from Hawaii to the current day. To wit, when there was no more land to steal in this country, no more Native American Indians to subdue, go abroad. The pattern used in Hawaii was excellent; hire thugs to cause a disturbance, have the American military standing by, announce you are restoring peace, and steal it all. As a bonus, the author is a good writer. The language flows easily, a correct balance is struck between history and the point, extraneous material is left out. My only quarrel with the book is that the subject makes me furious, while the author somewhat dispassionately presents some logic that the US followed.
Read this book, and 'Lies My Teacher Told Me', to understand the US and its place in the world today.
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Bruce Miller
5.0 out of 5 stars The other side of History
Reviewed in the United States on 13 September 2012
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Wow ! I can't say enough good things about this book ! It was logically presented with many instances of stories on how seemingly insignificant events had a bearing on historical events. I was fascinated by the story of Nicaragua and how a postage stamp helped shape the fate/failure of the Inter ocean canal. The purview of the book covered periods of time from the US involvement in Hawaii; up to the present including the conflict in Afghanistan. It was a fascinating compilation of stories that almost read like fiction. I quickly realized how little I knew about foreign affairs and am anxious to explore similar books. This was a great book that is worthy of an immediate read. I hope that some of our politicians who are responsible for foreign affairs and policies have taken the time to read this book. It should be mandatory reading for everyone in the state department.
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Christian
5.0 out of 5 stars Easy to read, balanced overview
Reviewed in the United States on 5 February 2017
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I thoroughly enjoyed this quick read. While getting into some interesting history, author Stephen Kinzer doesn't get into the weeds but rather provides a nice overview for each of the events he covers.
Kinzer covers US-led regime change events from Hawaii to the recent Iraq war. He offers a balanced view of the reasons behind American interventions. On the one hand he is critical of these incursions and offers lucid insights into the often mixed motives. On the other hand, he isn't unreasonably anti-American or needlessly critical. I thought the last chapter in particular gave a fair overview (and review) and the post-intervention effects.
While Stephen Kinzer comes from a left-leaning political perspective, as a right of center reader I enjoyed the book and recommend it for starter overviews for each of the conflicts in question.
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Ferinha
4.0 out of 5 stars Great book; Quick read; Good writing.
Reviewed in the United States on 29 July 2010
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Don't pick up this book if you don't want to read a book written by someone who is more on the left side of the aisle. You'll just get annoyed. If you don't mind, this is a great book. Kinzer explores (quickly) how the US has been involved in the "changes" in many international movements and governments. This is not a research book. Each chapter gives you little tidbits of important historical moments. Luckily, it seems that Kinzer has written books on many of those in case you wish to do more exploring. This is one of those books that makes you raise an eyebrow and yearn for more.
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brendan
5.0 out of 5 stars I learned so much
Reviewed in the United States on 11 February 2021
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What a fantastic book by Kinzer! Each chapter deals with the US overthrow of a democratically elected government. Kinzer starts with the overthrow of the Hawaiian government; another chapter deals with the US organized overthrow of the govt. in Nicaragua; another deals with the overthrow of the Iranian govt shortly after it was democratically elected.
Kinzer is or was a journalist with New York Times. Not surprisingly he's a terrific writer - never boring, great pacing, always interesting.
I strongly recommend Overthrow by Kinzer.
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Alex Vorobieff
4.0 out of 5 stars New perspective on history
Reviewed in the United States on 16 October 2016
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Funny how all the interesting history is left out of the school courses. I am looking forward to reviewing the sources and triangulating the information. The main issue I have are the author's conclusions that chaos is the inevitable result with out a powerful government in place. According to the evidence he presents the problems in countries always were a result of corrupt governments and their decisions. The conclusion that the world needs more consensus in nation building conflicts with the evidence presented in the book. The world needs smaller governments that are less prone to "help," "enlighten"or "liberate" their neighbors.
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H.B.I.C.
4.0 out of 5 stars Great Book/Terrible Audible Narration
Reviewed in the United States on 18 November 2017
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This is a great book, but the Audible audio was the WORST! Total waste of money, unless you like listening to a narrator that sounds like an automaton. It took me several chapters to figure out if I was listening to a real person or a machine. I found it impossible to follow. Then, toward the end the narrator suddenly decides that he is going to read Kissinger quotes with an accent, something he had not done for any character so far. Buy the book, but skip the Audible narration.
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transitace
5.0 out of 5 stars The Little-Known History of America's Foreign Interventions
Reviewed in the United States on 20 October 2012
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Stephen Kinzer's "Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq" is a superb recounting of the extensive history of United States interference in the internal affairs of other countries. What's surprising about Kinzer's version of events is how often America's actions subverted the democratic process in the countries where we intervened. What it also reveals is how often the stated rationale for our actions was little more than a pretext to cover our government's support for U. S. multinational corporations that were exploiting the resources and the native laborers in these countries.
Kinzer's book casts a new light on America's history of external affairs and the unintended consequences of our interventions. It perhaps helps explain some of the passionate feelings that foreigners have toward the United States.
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jennifer campbell
4.0 out of 5 stars Unbelievable!
Reviewed in the United States on 6 December 2013
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Fascinating stuff, well researched, if it was read widely in the US they would not have to wonder why there is so much mistrust and hate directed towards them. His comments at times make you feel he has a grudge, but so many of today's problems can be understood when you read this book. Would there have been the revolution in Iran had the US and Kermit Rooseveldt in particular not overthrown the Prime Minister. Who did the Dulles brothers think they were, they seemd to think they had a god given right to interfere anywhere they chose in the world.
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smswedenburg
5.0 out of 5 stars Well worth reading, the history we are denied.
Reviewed in the United States on 7 April 2024
Format: HardcoverVerified Purchase
The criminals behind these regime changes should be prosecuted.
A well written book, clear, accurate and fascinating.
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E. Flores
5.0 out of 5 stars Great book.
Reviewed in the United States on 17 September 2024
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Great book, nicely written.
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Stephen Little
5.0 out of 5 stars Great lesson in American History not taught in schools.
Reviewed in the United States on 25 January 2020
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Well none of this stuff was taught when I went to school anyway. I think every American should know this history when our politicians and civic leaders start with the super patriot stuff and how much more moral we are then other regimes. As far as I am concerned every school child should learn what is in this book about how we overthrew other legitimately elected governments instead of just the usual how we are holier then thou.
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Daniel
4.0 out of 5 stars Evolution of US Intent
Reviewed in the United States on 10 November 2013
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A great starting point to get a glimpse into the evolution of US Foreign Policy from isolationism in the late 19th century to imperialism and covert action due to the ever expanding power of corporate interest and the eventual rise of the CIA. This book delves into 14 separate coup d'états backed by the US Government. Overall I found this to be a convenient brief look into individual actions one maybe inclined to research deeper after encountering the broad brush strokes Kinzer has encapsulated here.
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Eugenia M. Mendez
4.0 out of 5 stars Overthrow is Astounding!!!
Reviewed in the United States on 24 March 2014
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This book is an awakening! Everyone should read it. Our media has done a very good job of covering up and glazing over all the past misdeeds of our government The majority of Americans live in "Fantasyland," brainwashed, bombarded, and seduced by all the advertisements they receive via their computer, iPhone and newspaper. Very few know what is going on in the real world. Kudos to Stephen Kinzer for having the integrity to write this book. A much needed write!!!
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m. jouvenel
5.0 out of 5 stars Who is next ?
Reviewed in the United States on 24 April 2015
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Scary as it seems that the policy of overthrow is still going on. One cannot help to wonder how such ignorant people end up in the upper echelons of governments ? It reminds me that in the 80's at a cocktail party in Washington, D.C. I was introduced to a "personal adviser" to the President on Middle East policy. To my great surprise, during the conversation I found out that the adviser was of the Jewish Religion, a firm Zionist, had never set foot in any Arab Country, did not speak Arabic and had no interest of discussing any aspect of Arabic culture, art or literature, but was still and "Adviser" !...
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josh hilliard
1.0 out of 5 stars What's bias and what's true
Reviewed in the United Kingdom on 19 May 2024
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This is an interesting book with decent points to make and a good pacing. However kinzer's credibility is completely undermined by his plain and obvious bias.
I found myself enjoying a passage or reading a fact, to later turn around and think 'is that true/ that can't be right', and after doing further research finding that Kinzer's portrayal of historical figures can be misleading/ passive aggressive and just unnecessary. I mean let the facts speak for themselves!
Also 35€ is was too expensive for what this is.
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horsty
4.0 out of 5 stars If the American public only knew
Reviewed in the United States on 7 July 2014
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As a retired History and Government teacher I amazed what I read! If Americans read this book they would understand why so many countries dislike the American Government!
America has gone into to these countries under the appearance as to bring democracy to these countries! What a lie! It has been more for business interests who have bought American politicians! If this book is accurate even only a fraction that is why America needs to re-brand itself around the globe.
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Dwight C. Douglas
5.0 out of 5 stars The truth hurts so badly
Reviewed in the United States on 21 January 2020
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Kinzer is a wonderful journalist and writer. I read his Brothers book, then Overthrow, even though they both deeply disturbed me. For the life of me I cannot understand why we, USA, keep making the same mistakes. Everyone in government should be made read this book. It's five stars, and not like a general. If you want the truth America, READ THIS BOOK!! And stop wasting money and lives in war.
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Kindle Customer
5.0 out of 5 stars Fantastic book. Well researched and written!
Reviewed in the United States on 22 September 2022
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Outstanding book, recommended for anyone interested in American history and foreign policy. Great storytelling and many facts I never learned . Today's foreign policy blunders are part of a long history of poor decisions based on ignorance and arrogance .
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Elisabeth
5.0 out of 5 stars Great book!
Reviewed in the United States on 11 October 2023
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I had to read this in my college class. Very informative. I enjoyed this read.
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스티븐 킨저(Stephen Kinzer)의 저서 <Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq>에 대한 상세한 요약과 평론을 준비했습니다. 요청하신 대로 요약과 평론 부분은 <해라체>로, 저와의 대화 부분은 <존댓말>로 작성하였습니다.
스티븐 킨저의 <Overthrow> : 요약 및 평론
1. 서론: 미국의 '체제 전복'의 역사
스티븐 킨저의 <Overthrow>는 1893년 하와이 왕국의 전복부터 2003년 이라크 전쟁에 이르기까지, 미국이 주도한 14번의 결정적인 외국의 정권 교체(Regime Change) 사례를 추적한다. 킨저는 이 역사를 단순한 개별 사건의 나열이 아닌, 미국의 외교 정책과 제국주의적 본능이 진화해 온 하나의 거대한 흐름으로 파악한다. 책은 미국이 왜 타국의 정부를 무너뜨리기로 결정했는지, 그 과정에서 어떤 명분을 내세웠는지, 그리고 장기적으로 어떤 재앙적 결과를 초래했는지를 날카롭게 분석한다.
2. 제1부: 제국주의 시대 (The Imperial Era)
미국의 체제 전복 역사는 19세기 말, 국경 너머로 경제적 이익을 확장하려는 욕구와 함께 시작되었다.
<하와이 (1893)>: 이 책의 시작점이다. 미국 선교사의 후손들과 설탕 농장주들은 자신들의 경제적 이권을 보호하기 위해 릴리우오칼라니 여왕을 축출했다. 미국 정부는 이를 묵인하고 결국 하와이를 합병했다. 이는 기업의 이익이 국가의 외교 정책을 납치한 최초의 명백한 사례로 꼽힌다.
<쿠바, 푸에르토리코, 필리핀 (1898)>: 스페인-미국 전쟁을 통해 미국은 구시대 제국(스페인)을 몰아내고 새로운 식민 지배자가 되었다. 특히 필리핀에서는 '문명화'라는 명분 아래 잔혹한 진압 작전이 수행되었다.
<니카라과, 온두라스 (1909-1910)>: '달러 외교(Dollar Diplomacy)'의 전형이다. 미국 은행과 과일 회사(United Fruit Company)의 채무 상환 및 이권 보호를 위해 미국 대통령들이 직접 해병대를 파견하여 비협조적인 대통령을 축출하고 친미 꼭두각시 정부를 세웠다.
이 시기의 특징은 <노골적인 경제적 동기>와 <직접적인 군사 개입>이다. 미국 대중에게는 민주주의 확산이나 안정이란 명분이 팔렸지만, 실상은 미국 기업의 이익 보호가 핵심이었다.
3. 제2부: 은밀한 행동의 시대 (Covert Action)
제2차 세계대전 이후 냉전이 도래하면서 미국의 개입 방식은 변화했다. 직접적인 침공보다는 CIA를 앞세운 은밀한 공작이 주를 이루었으며, 그 명분은 '반공(Anti-Communism)'이었다. 하지만 킨저는 이 시기에도 여전히 <다국적 기업의 이익>이 핵심 동력이었음을 지적한다.
<이란 (1953)>: 모하마드 모사데크 총리가 영국 석유 회사를 국유화하려 하자, 미국은 그를 공산주의자로 몰아 축출하고 팔레비 왕조를 복귀시켰다. 이는 중동 민주주의의 싹을 자르고, 훗날 1979년 이란 혁명과 반미 감정의 씨앗을 뿌린 결정적 사건이 되었다.
<과테말라 (1954)>: 아르벤스 대통령이 유나이티드 프루트 사의 유휴 토지를 유상 몰수하여 농민에게 분배하려 하자, CIA는 그를 소련의 하수인으로 낙인찍어 쿠데타를 사주했다. 그 결과 과테말라는 수십 년간 내전과 독재의 늪에 빠졌다.
<칠레 (1973)>: 선거로 선출된 사회주의자 아옌데 대통령을 축출하기 위해 칠레 경제를 마비시키고 피노체트의 군사 쿠데타를 지원했다.
<남베트남 (1963)>: 슘 대통령 암살 방조는 미국이 동남아시아의 늪으로 더 깊이 빠져드는 계기가 되었다.
이 시기의 패턴은 명확하다. 현지 지도자가 민족주의적 경제 정책(주로 미국 기업에 불리한)을 펴면, 미국은 이를 '공산주의 위협'으로 포장하여 정권을 전복시켰다.
4. 제3부: 침공의 시대 (The Invasion Era)
냉전 종식 후, 미국은 다시 직접적인 군사력을 사용하는 방식으로 회귀했다. 이제 명분은 '인권 보호', '독재 타도', '테러와의 전쟁' 등 도덕적 가치로 이동했다.
<그레나다 (1983) & 파나마 (1989)>: 레이건과 부시 행정부는 자국민 보호와 마약 퇴치를 명분으로 내세웠지만, 실제로는 미국의 뒷마당인 카리브해와 중남미에 대한 통제권을 재확인하려는 무력 과시 성격이 짙었다.
<아프가니스탄 & 이라크 (2001, 2003)>: 9.11 테러 이후 '테러와의 전쟁'은 정권 교체의 가장 강력한 명분이 되었다. 특히 이라크 전쟁은 잘못된 정보(대량살상무기)에 기반하여 한 국가를 완전히 무너뜨린 사례로, 킨저는 이를 미국 제국주의적 개입의 정점이자 가장 비극적인 실패로 묘사한다.
5. 평론: 패턴의 발견과 비판적 고찰
스티븐 킨저의 <Overthrow>는 미국 외교사를 관통하는 불편한 진실을 설득력 있게 제시한다.
킨저의 핵심 주장 분석
킨저가 제시하는 '정권 교체'의 메커니즘은 놀라울 정도로 일관된 3단계 패턴을 보인다.
어느 국가의 지도자가 미국의 경제적, 정치적 이익에 반하는 정책(주로 자국 자원 국유화나 자주적 외교)을 추진한다.
미국 정부(와 결탁한 기업)는 그 지도자를 '악마화'한다. (과거엔 '야만인', 냉전 땐 '공산주의자', 현대엔 '테러리스트'나 '독재자').
미국이 개입하여 그를 제거하고 친미 정권을 수립한다.
비극적 결과 (Blowback)
이 책의 가장 강력한 메시지는 <의도하지 않은 역풍(Blowback)>이다. 단기적으로 작전은 성공한 듯 보이지만(친미 정권 수립), 장기적으로는 해당 국가를 파탄 내고 극단적인 반미 세력을 키우는 결과를 낳았다. 이란의 신정 혁명, 베트남의 공산화, 중남미의 마약 카르텔과 난민 문제, 그리고 ISIS의 등장 등은 모두 미국의 섣부른 개입이 남긴 유산이라는 것이다. 킨저는 "미국은 전복시키는 법은 알지만, 재건하는 법은 모른다"고 비판한다.
비평적 관점
<강점>: 킨저는 저널리스트 출신답게 복잡한 지정학적 사건들을 명쾌하고 흥미진진한 서사로 풀어낸다. 특히 기업의 탐욕이 어떻게 국가 안보라는 가면을 쓰고 외교 정책을 좌지우지했는지 폭로하는 대목은 매우 통렬하다. '미국 예외주의'라는 환상을 깨고, 미국 역시 여느 제국과 다르지 않은 방식으로 힘을 행사해왔음을 직시하게 한다.
<약점 및 한계>: 킨저의 분석은 다소 <경제 결정론>에 치우친 경향이 있다. 모든 개입을 기업의 이익이나 경제적 동기만으로 설명하려다 보니, 당시의 냉전적 공포나 안보적 위기감이 실제로 얼마나 심각했는지는 과소평가되는 측면이 있다. 또한, 해당 국가 내부의 정치적 모순이나 갈등을 미국의 개입 탓으로만 돌리는 것은 현지 주체들의 역할을 축소시킬 위험이 있다. 때로는 미국이 개입하지 않았더라도 그 정권은 무너졌을 수도 있다.
결론
<Overthrow>는 미국의 힘이 어떻게 사용되었는가에 대한 냉정한 부검 보고서다. 킨저는 미국이 도덕적 우월감을 버리고, 타국의 운명을 스스로 결정하도록 내버려 두는 것이 결국 미국의 국익에도 도움이 된다고 역설한다. 이라크 전쟁의 수렁 속에서 출간된 이 책은, 힘에 의한 민주주의 이식은 불가능하며, 역사를 잊은 개입주의는 필연적으로 비극을 되풀이한다는 묵직한 교훈을 남긴다.
요약과 평론이 도움이 되셨기를 바랍니다. 이 책에서 다루는 여러 사례 중, 특정 국가(예: 이란이나 칠레)의 사례에 대해 더 깊이 있는 역사적 배경을 알고 싶으신가요?
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<한국어: 1,000단어 내외 요약+평론>
<1) 요약>
스티븐 킨저의 <Overthrow: America’s Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq>(2006)는 1893년 하와이 왕국 전복에서 2003년 이라크 침공까지, 미국이 직·간접적으로 관여한 ‘정권 교체(regime change)’의 연쇄를 14개 사례로 엮어 보여주는 서사형 현대사다. 킨저의 기본 문제의식은 단순한 “미국의 악의”가 아니라, “미국 지도부가 반복적으로 ‘쉽고 빠른 해법’으로 정권 교체를 선택했고, 그 단기적 성취가 장기적 역풍(blowback)과 비극을 낳았다”는 패턴에 있다. 그는 여러 사례에서 자원 접근, 지정학적 경쟁, 반공(혹은 안보) 이데올로기, 기업 이해관계, 국내정치적 계산이 뒤엉켜 ‘외부에서 보기엔 무리한 개입’이 추진됐다고 본다.
책은 개별 국가의 역사적 맥락을 짧은 “미니 역사”로 재구성한다. 하와이(1893)에서 시작해 미국의 초기 팽창과 해외 영향력 투사를 보여주고, 이후 쿠바·푸에르토리코·필리핀 등 19세기 말/20세기 초 제국 확장의 장면들을 거쳐, 니카라과·온두라스 등 카리브/중미 개입의 관성으로 이어진다. 냉전기에는 이란(1953), 과테말라(1954), 남베트남(특히 디엠 정권), 칠레(1973) 같은 ‘반공’ 명분의 정권 교체가 핵심 축으로 등장한다. 후기 사례로는 그레나다, 파나마, 아프가니스탄, 이라크가 배치되어 “작은 성공처럼 보였던 개입이 장기적 불안정과 반작용을 낳는” 결말로 수렴한다. 책 소개 성격의 자료들이 공통적으로 강조하듯, 킨저는 이 사례들을 ‘미국이 외국 정부를 무너뜨린 역사’로 묶어 제시한다.
서술 방식은 ‘누가, 왜, 어떻게’에 초점을 둔 인물·사건 중심 르포에 가깝다. 정보기관, 외교관, 군, 기업, 현지 엘리트가 어떤 논리로 결정을 밀어붙였는지, 또 현지 사회가 어떤 균열과 폭력의 경로를 밟았는지를 사건 전개로 따라가게 한다. 한 리뷰는 이 책이 교과서에서 한 페이지로 지나가는 사건들을 ‘짧은 이야기’로 확장해, 동기와 배경을 드러내는 데 강점이 있다고 평가한다.
<2) 평론: 강점>
<패턴 인식의 힘>
각 사건을 “그 나라만의 비극”이 아니라 “미국 외교의 반복되는 선택 구조”로 묶는다. 독자는 ‘정권 교체’가 예외적 사건이 아니라, 특정 시기 미국의 표준 정책 옵션처럼 작동해 왔음을 체감한다. 특히 “단기적 안정/이익”을 좇는 조치가 시간이 지나 “예상치 못한 장기 비용”으로 되돌아온다는 연결이 읽는 내내 축적된다. (이 ‘역풍’이라는 틀은 냉전 이후까지도 독해의 렌즈를 제공한다.)<접근성 높은 서사>
학술서의 이론적 골격보다는, 등장인물·결정의 장면·현장 묘사로 설득한다. 그래서 국제정치 전공자가 아니어도 “그때 왜 이런 판단이 가능했나”를 직관적으로 이해하기 쉽다. 14개 사례를 ‘연대기적 파노라마’로 엮어내는 구성도 대중서로서 장점이다.<미국 내부의 자기성찰을 촉발>
책의 실질적 대상은 ‘타국’이 아니라 ‘미국의 국가 습관’이다. “우리가 무엇을 했는가”를 묻는 방식이어서, 미국 중심 내러티브를 찬양하기보다, 권력의 자동반사(자원·안보·위신)를 비판적으로 보게 만든다.
<3) 평론: 한계와 읽는 법>
<선별의 문제>
14개 사례 선정은 메시지를 선명하게 만들지만, 그만큼 누락되는 회색지대(간접 압박, 경제제재, 선거개입, ‘정권 교체’ 미만의 내정간섭)도 크다. “정권 교체”의 정의를 어디까지 잡느냐에 따라 독자는 “더 많다/다르다”는 반론을 가질 수 있다. 즉, 이 책은 ‘전부의 목록’이라기보다 ‘대표적 표본을 통한 주장’으로 읽어야 한다.<현지 사회의 능동성 축소 위험>
서사가 미국 행위자 중심으로 달리다 보면, 각국 내부의 계급·민족·지역 갈등, 사회운동의 전략, 정치문화의 자생적 동학이 상대적으로 배경으로 밀릴 수 있다. 그러면 비극의 원인이 “외부 개입=주요 원인”으로 단선화될 위험이 있다. 보완 독서로는 해당 국가 연구(예: 이란 1953, 칠레 1973, 과테말라 1954)의 지역사·사회사·정치경제 분석이 필요하다.<설명(이론)보다 서사(사례)에 치우침>
이 책은 ‘왜 미국이 반복적으로 이런 선택을 하는가’를 체계적 이론으로 끝까지 밀어붙이기보다, 사례 축적을 통해 독자가 결론에 도달하게 하는 방식이다. 장점이기도 하지만, 학술적 논증(가설-검증)을 기대하면 아쉬울 수 있다.
<4) 한 줄 결론>
<Overthrow>는 “정권 교체는 값싼 승리처럼 보이지만, 시간이 지나 더 비싼 불안정과 반작용을 낳는다”는 교훈을 110년 넘는 사례로 설득하는, 읽기 쉬운 ‘정권교체사 입문서’다. 다만 이를 최종 해석으로 고정하기보다, 각 사례의 현지 정치사회적 복합성을 더하는 보완 독서와 함께 읽을 때 가장 강해진다.
<English: ~900–1,000 words summary + critique>
<1) Summary>
Stephen Kinzer’s <OverTHROW: America’s Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq> (2006) is a narrative history of U.S.-backed or U.S.-driven “regime change” episodes from the 1893 overthrow of the Kingdom of Hawai‘i to the 2003 invasion of Iraq. The book’s central claim is not merely that the United States intervened often, but that it repeatedly reached for regime change as a seemingly quick, decisive tool—only to generate long-run instability, resentment, and unintended consequences (“blowback”) that outweighed short-term gains. Kinzer links these interventions to recurring motives: access to strategic resources, geopolitical advantage, ideological conflict (especially during the Cold War), and a habit of treating nationalist movements abroad as threats to be managed rather than political realities to be negotiated.
Kinzer organizes the work as a sequence of case studies—fourteen in all—presented in an accessible, story-driven style. Overviews of the book consistently describe this arc: early expansionism (Hawai‘i and the Spanish-American War era), repeated interventions in the Caribbean Basin and Central America, Cold War coups and covert operations (notably Iran, Guatemala, South Vietnam, and Chile), and post–Cold War or post-9/11 interventions (Grenada, Panama, Afghanistan, Iraq). The effect is cumulative: by the time the reader reaches Iraq, it feels less like an anomaly and more like a late expression of a long policy tradition.
A key feature is Kinzer’s emphasis on people and decision points—politicians, intelligence officials, corporate actors, military planners, and local elites—rather than abstract theory. The narrative often turns on how a small circle of decision-makers framed a foreign government as unacceptable and convinced themselves that removal would be manageable. A review summary from YaleGlobal notes that episodes which usually get a page in textbooks become vivid short stories once motives and context are unpacked, and that many of these stories end tragically.
<2) Strengths>
- <Pattern recognition across a century>
The book’s biggest payoff is comparative. Each case can be read on its own, but the larger value comes from the repeated structure: moral certainty at the moment of intervention; overconfidence about controllability; underestimation of local politics; and long-term aftermath that surprises interveners. That comparative lens helps readers see “regime change” not as an occasional emergency tool, but as a recurring policy option normalized over decades.
- <High readability and narrative momentum>
Kinzer’s journalistic storytelling makes complex international events legible to non-specialists. He foregrounds concrete scenes—meetings, cables, coups, invasions—so the reader understands how interventions unfolded, not just that they happened. One contemporary review characterizes the book as a set of “human vignettes” tracking resources, power, and ideology across fourteen countries. For teaching or general audiences, that accessibility is a real asset.
- <A self-critical lens on U.S. statecraft>
Even when the setting is abroad, the implied subject is the United States: its institutions, its political incentives, and its recurring assumptions about other societies. The book invites a civic question—what habits of power lead a democracy to repeat coercive experiments overseas?
<3) Limits and how to read it well>
- <Selection and definition constraints>
Fourteen cases create a strong through-line, but the selection is not a full taxonomy of U.S. influence operations. If you define regime change more broadly (economic coercion, electoral manipulation, proxy warfare, “soft coups”), the universe expands. If you define it narrowly (direct overthrow), some cases become debatable. So the book works best as an argument by representative examples, not as an exhaustive ledger.
- <Risk of flattening local agency>
A U.S.-centered intervention narrative can inadvertently reduce local actors to “targets” rather than strategists with their own conflicts, ideologies, and social bases. In some countries, internal class, ethnic, regional, and institutional dynamics were already volatile; U.S. intervention may have amplified or redirected those dynamics rather than creating them from scratch. Readers who want deeper causality should pair Kinzer with country-specific political economy and social history.
- <Narrative accumulation over explicit theory>
Kinzer largely persuades by piling up stories rather than building a formal explanatory model. That’s a strength for broad readership, but scholars may want clearer analytical categories (types of intervention, mechanisms, measurable outcomes, counterfactuals). The book is more diagnostic than predictive.
<4) Bottom line>
<Overthrow> is a compelling, readable introduction to the long arc of U.S. regime-change practices, arguing that what looks expedient in the moment often produces costly, long-lived consequences. As a starting point it’s excellent; as a final explanation it benefits from being supplemented with local histories and more explicitly theoretical studies of intervention and empire.
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