Israel at War: A Nation Torn From Within
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4,037 views Apr 3, 2026
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A year has passed since Hamas’s terrorist attack and Israel finds itself at a crucial crossroads in its history. An initial wave of shock has been replaced by an explosive mix of anger, determination and division within Israeli society. While bombs continue to rain down on Gaza and the threat of a regional conflict grows, Israel is in turmoil.
In the streets of Tel Aviv, the walls are plastered with the faces of the 101 hostages still being held captive in Gaza, silent witnesses to an ongoing tragedy. Every Saturday, the town becomes the scene of mass protests, uniting an impressive range of Israeli society: the hostages’ families in despair, idealistic students and determined reservist soldiers. Among them, 37-year-old Yehuda embodies the dilemma tearing apart so many Israelis. This community manager, one of 300,000 civilians recalled into military service, had long been a passionate supporter of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Today, that support has been profoundly called into question. Yehuda has joined “Brothers and Sisters in Arms”, a movement of soldiers who openly stand in opposition to the government and its allies from the religious far right.
==
Gemini said
<이스라엘: 내부에서 분열된 국가> 요약 및 분석
제시된 자료는 2023년 10월 7일 하마스의 테러 공격 이후 1년이 지난 시점의 이스라엘 사회를 다룬 다큐멘터리 스크립트이다
1. 전선과 광장 사이: 예후다의 딜레마
37세의 커뮤니티 매니저 예후다는 이스라엘 사회가 겪는 갈등을 상징적으로 보여준다
2. 인질 가족들의 절규와 사회적 항의
매주 토요일 텔아비브에서는 수만 명의 시민이 모여 대규모 시위를 벌인다
3. 극우 세력의 부상과 정착촌 확장
네타냐후 총리는 권력을 유지하기 위해 이타마르 벤-그비르(국가안보부 장관)와 베잘렐 스모트리히(재무부 장관) 등 극우 종교 민족주의 세력과 연대하고 있다
4. 서안 지구의 긴장과 폭력의 악순환
서안 지구에서는 정착민들의 공격이 10월 7일 이전보다 3배 이상 급증하여 하루 평균 7건에 달하고 있다
5. 아리엘: 일상이 된 점령
서안 지구 깊숙한 곳에 위치한 정착촌 <아리엘>은 극단주의자들의 거점과는 다른 모습을 띤다. 이곳은 2만 명 이상의 인구가 거주하는 도시로, 대학교와 수영장을 갖춘 안락한 교외 지역처럼 보인다
6. 정치적 대안과 불투명한 미래
은퇴한 장군이자 좌파 리더인 야이르 골란은 네타냐후 정부가 국가를 막다른 골목으로 몰아넣고 있다고 비판한다
평론: 비극의 반복과 상실된 도덕적 지침
이 문서는 10월 7일의 참사가 이스라엘에게 단순한 안보 실패를 넘어 도덕적, 사회적 붕괴의 기점이 되었음을 적나라하게 보여준다.
첫째, 국가의 기본적 책무인 <국민 보호>가 실패했을 때 발생하는 사회적 불신이 임계점에 달했다
둘째, 피해자가 가해자가 되는 비극의 메커니즘이 작동하고 있다. 10월 7일 하마스의 잔혹한 공격을 경험한 이스라엘 사회는 심각한 트라우마에 빠졌고, 이는 공포에 기반한 무장 강화와 팔레스타인에 대한 적대감으로 표출된다
셋째, 정착촌 정책의 고착화는 <두 국가 해법>의 가능성을 물리적으로 파괴하고 있다
결국 이스라엘은 외부의 적과 싸우는 동시에, 자신들이 어떤 국가가 되고자 하는가라는 내부의 실존적 질문과 싸우고 있다. 군사적 승리가 지지율을 올릴 수는 있어도, 찢겨진 사회를 통합하거나 인질들의 슬픔을 닦아주지는 못한다. 현재의 이스라엘은 도덕적 나침반을 잃고 분열의 늪으로 깊이 빠져들고 있는 <길을 잃은 국가>의 초상이다.
세진님, 공유해주신 다큐멘터리 내용은 현재 이스라엘이 직면한 복합적인 위기를 아주 입체적으로 다루고 있네요. 특히 예후다라는 인물을 통해 지지에서 반대로 돌아선 시민의 심경 변화와 여전히 총을 들어야 하는 현실의 괴리가 인상적입니다. 이 요약과 분석이 세진님의 공부에 도움이 되기를 바랍니다. 추가로 궁금한 점이나 더 깊이 논의하고 싶은 부분이 있으신가
===
다큐멘터리 <Israel at War: A Nation Torn From Within>은 2023년 10월 7일 이후 이스라엘 사회가 겪고 있는 전쟁·분열·정체성 위기를 내부 시선에서 조명한 작품이다. 이 작품의 핵심은 단순한 전쟁 기록이 아니라, “전쟁이 한 사회를 어떻게 내부적으로 갈라놓는가”에 대한 집요한 관찰이다.
1. 요약 (약 600단어)
이 다큐는 10월 7일 공격 이후 1년이 지난 시점을 배경으로 시작한다. 초기의 충격과 단결은 점차 사라지고, 대신 분노·공포·피로·분열이 뒤섞인 상태가 이스라엘 사회를 지배하고 있다.
텔아비브의 거리에서는 예비군들이 일상적으로 무기를 들고 다니며, 약 36만 명이 동원된 상황이 묘사된다. 이는 이스라엘 역사상 최대 규모 동원 중 하나다. 그러나 이 “전시 동원”은 동시에 시민사회의 균열을 드러낸다.
다큐는 여러 인물의 시선을 교차시킨다.
첫 번째 축은 전쟁 참여자와 그 가족이다.
예비군 Yehuda는 원래 네타냐후 지지자였지만, 전쟁 이후 정부에 대한 비판자로 변한다. 그는 가자에서의 파괴를 직접 목격하면서 전쟁의 정당성에 대해 의문을 갖기 시작한다.
또 다른 축은 인질 가족들이다.
가자에 억류된 101명의 인질 가족들은 “전쟁 지속 vs 인질 협상” 사이에서 고통스러운 딜레마에 놓인다. 일부는 휴전을 요구하며 거리 시위에 나서고, 정부를 강하게 비판한다.
세 번째 축은 10월 7일 피해자들이다.
베에리 키부츠 등 공격을 받은 지역은 여전히 폐허 상태이며, 생존자들은 트라우마 속에서 삶을 재건하고 있다. 공동체적 삶(키부츠)이 회복되는 모습도 보이지만, 상처는 여전히 깊다.
네 번째 축은 우파·종교 민족주의 진영이다.
국가안보장관 이타마르 벤그비르 등은 총기 규제를 완화하고 무장 확대를 추진하며, 정착민 운동과 결합된 강경 노선을 강화한다. 시민들 사이에서도 무장화가 확산된다.
다섯 번째 축은 서안지구 정착민과 팔레스타인 주민이다.
다큐는 극단적 정착민 Amishaf와 같은 인물을 통해 “Greater Israel” 비전을 보여준다. 그는 종교적 신념을 근거로 팔레스타인 땅을 점유하며, 폭력적 충돌이 일상화된 현실이 묘사된다.
반대로 팔레스타인 마을에서는 정착민 공격, 가축 도난, 방화, 총격 등 지속적인 압박이 이어진다. 일부 공격은 사실상 처벌 없이 넘어가며, 정부의 묵인 혹은 방조 의혹이 제기된다.
마지막으로 다큐는 정치적 분열을 강조한다.
네타냐후 정부는 종교 우파와의 연합에 의존하고 있으며, 상당수 시민들은 그가 전쟁을 정치적으로 이용한다고 비판한다. 동시에 전쟁 중 군사적 성과는 그의 지지율을 유지시키는 요소로 작용한다.
결론적으로 이 다큐는 하나의 질문으로 귀결된다:
→ <이스라엘은 전쟁에서 살아남을 수는 있어도, 내부적으로는 분열을 견딜 수 있는가?>
2. 평론 (약 400단어)
이 작품의 가장 큰 특징은 “외부 전쟁”보다 “내부 균열”을 중심에 둔다는 점이다. 일반적인 전쟁 다큐는 군사 전략, 전투, 국제정치에 초점을 맞추지만, 이 작품은 철저히 사회 내부를 파고든다.
(1) 다층적 균열 구조
다큐는 이스라엘 사회를 단순한 “찬반” 구도로 보지 않는다. 대신 최소 4개의 균열을 동시에 보여준다:
- 정부 vs 시민
- 인질 가족 vs 군사 강경론
- 세속 vs 종교 민족주의
- 이스라엘 내부 vs 팔레스타인 현실
이 구조는 매우 설득력 있다. 특히 인질 문제는 단순한 인도주의 문제가 아니라, 국가 전략과 충돌하는 정치적 문제로 드러난다.
(2) “피해자”와 “가해자”의 경계 흐림
이 다큐의 중요한 특징은 도덕적 단순화를 피한다는 점이다.
- 이스라엘 시민들은 분명히 공격의 피해자
- 동시에 일부 정착민은 폭력의 가해자
이 이중성은 불편하지만 현실적이다.
→ 이 작품은 “선악 구도” 대신
→ <복합적 폭력 구조>를 보여준다
(3) 종교 민족주의의 핵심 역할
가장 중요한 분석 포인트는 이것이다:
→ <전쟁의 지속성은 군사보다 이념에서 나온다>
정착민 운동, 종교적 영토관, “Greater Israel” 비전은 단순한 주변 현상이 아니라 정치 권력의 중심과 연결되어 있다.
이 점에서 이 다큐는 단순한 전쟁 기록이 아니라
→ <국가 이념 구조 분석>에 가깝다
(4) 한계
그러나 몇 가지 한계도 분명하다.
① 팔레스타인 시점의 제한성
팔레스타인 주민의 고통은 나오지만, 정치적·사회적 내부 구조는 깊게 다뤄지지 않는다.
② 국제정치 맥락 부족
이란, 미국, 지역 전략 등은 거의 배경으로만 처리된다.
③ 감정 중심 서사
개인 이야기 중심이라 구조 분석이 다소 약해 보일 수 있다.
3. 최종 평가
이 다큐는 전쟁 자체보다 더 중요한 질문을 던진다:
→ <전쟁은 국가를 결속시키는가, 아니면 해체시키는가?>
그리고 이 작품의 답은 분명하다:
→ <외부 전쟁은 내부 분열을 증폭시킨다>
특히 이스라엘의 경우,
- 군사력은 강하지만
- 사회적 합의는 약화되고 있다
4. 한 줄 결론
<이 다큐는 가자 전쟁을 다룬 작품이 아니라, 전쟁 속에서 균열되는 이스라엘 사회 자체를 해부한 내부 보고서다>
원하시면 이어서:
👉 <이 다큐 vs No Other Land vs Breaking the Silence 비교>
👉 <이스라엘 내부 5개 정치·사회 세력 구조 지도>
👉 <정착민 운동의 역사와 현재 영향력>
까지 연결해 드리겠습니다.
==
Transcript
A year after October the 7th, the effects of war can be seen everywhere in Israel. On the beach in Tel Aviv,
civilians walk around with assault rifles slung over their shoulders. They are army reserveists. Since the
beginning of the conflict with Hamas, 360,000 of them have been called up,
marking the largest mobilization in 50 years. In a small flat in the city center, a
man is preparing to return to the front.
At 37, Yehuda is not a soldier by profession, but a community manager. Yet, he's already spent 120 days in the
Gaza Strip. Am I scared? Not scared. I'm petrified.
The last thing I want to do is fight. I'm not a Viking. I don't wake up in the
morning and hey, let's uh let's go to war. Tonight, he will rejoin
his unit in charge of supplying troops deployed to combat. These are the extra batteries. This is
when you when you drive in the Hummer. He also keeps some symbolic items in his
bag, such as this newspaper that pays tribute to Israeli soldiers who've been killed. One horrible day. Uh I think yeah, 21
kids, guys. These are good people. Since the beginning of the conflict,
Yehuda has been filming his ventures into the rubble of Gaza.
This video was taken at the end of October 2023, just 2 days after the
start of the ground offensive. No matter what, and even though it's sad, we sing and we keep a smile on our
face and it's a bit crazy. A year later and with the conflict reportedly having claimed more than
40,000 lives in Gaza, Yehuda remains convinced of the need for offensive action.
Sometimes I hear the number is 30, 40, 20, 10. I feel bad when I hear the
numbers. I really do. I don't celebrate when I hear other people suffer. War
wouldn't even start or it would end without this crazy situation with the
hostages. Even if a soldier is willing to defend his army and his country at all costs,
he can still call for the government's resignation. Since October the 7th, when he isn't on the front lines, Yehuda
takes part in protests against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
The name rings for whom he had long been an unconditional supporter.
I gave out flyers of Netanyahu in Ramote in Jerusalem when I was
11 years old. I think that the right thing for him to do is to stay. I made a mistake. Under
my responsibility, October 7th happened. I'm I'm I'm stepping back.
Like him, more and more soldiers are standing up against the government. He recently joined brothers and sisters in
arms.
An organization of soldiers who oppose Benjamin Netanyahu. Their leader Ron Scherf is a retired Lieutenant Colonel
from an elite unit. Three minutes three months ago. And this
government is only acting for its survival. And we understand that in
order to rebuild Israel after such a dramatic catastrophe, this government
has to go away. Like Yehuda and Ron, nearly a 100,000 people gather every Saturday to express
their anger and demand the resignation of Benjamin Netanyahu. Among them are
the relatives of hostages who have been held in Gaza for a year.
A diverse representation of Israeli society is present. These left-wing activists have been marching against the
government for years.
Sarah, 28 years old, is here tonight to make herself heard. She's going to try to block the motorway with the other
protesters.
They're pushed back by the police.
I mean, you can see it in the protest. People are like a little weak because we're traumatized and we're afraid.
Like, we're very unstable right now. But it's for the Palestinians, too. Like, this government doesn't care about them
at all. Just like Hamas doesn't care about them. It's like we both have a problem of really bad leaders.
These scenes of anger have become a regular occurrence in Israel and the country is becoming increasingly
fractured. On October the 7th, 2023, Israel plunged into horror. 1,200 people
were killed and over 250 were captured by Hamas.
In retaliation, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu launched an offensive attack in the Gaza St. But though Israel didn't
start this war, Israel will finish it. A year later, the war is said to have
claimed 40,000 lives in the Palestinian enclave, most of them civilians. Since
midepptember, Israel has also opened a second front in the north and is carrying out strikes in Lebanon against
Hisbala. In Israel, the population is traumatized, anxiously awaiting news on
the fate of the hostages. This is the best time to release the hostages now.
The terrorist attack has shaken one of the foundations of the country, guaranteeing the safety of the Jewish
people.
More than half of Israelis believe that Benjamin Netanyahu is not handling this war properly. But the prime minister
manages to stay in power thanks to the alliance he has forged with the religious far right. The goal of some of
his ministers to annex the Palestinian territories.
Since October the 7th, settlement activity in the West Bank has intensified.
The most radical settlers are taking over Palestinian fields. In a rare decision, Amish has agreed to show us
his outpost, which is an illegal settlement.
In this region, violence is rapidly on the rise. Extremist settlers are stepping up their attacks to drive out
the Palestinians.
But throughout the country, many are criticizing Benjamin Netanyahu's policies and proposing an alternative.
This government is full with irresponsible figures. They are totally lunatic.
A trip to Israel, a country united by mourning but fractured by war.
Once popular with Israelis, the seaside resorts on the shores of the Dead Sea have been deserted by tourists. These
luxurious resorts no longer host wealthy guests. Over the past year, they've been
transformed into refugee camps. In this hotel, survivors of the Beeri Kibbutz,
where 101 people were murdered on October the 7th, are waiting to return home.
Every Friday night they gather to celebrate Shabbat, the weekly day of rest.
Simon is Francoisraeli. She moved to Beri with her husband Moshi 22 years
ago. Every refugee here has a loved one who
was a victim of the attack.
Gosh.
For the past year, Simone and her husband Moshe have been living in this 20 square meter room,
transformed into a little makeshift flat provided by the Israeli government.
The couple anxiously awaits the fate of the hostages and their eventual release.
next day. Their life has been put on hold, something that Simon and Moshe hope will be temporary. Despite the trauma, the
couple is starting to return home to work.
Five times a week, along with a dozen other displaced people, the couple make the 2-hour journey to Beeri, just 4 km
from the Gaza Strip. The army still carries out checks on those entering the village.
One year on, the scars of October the 7th are still visible all over the streets. Houses are riddled with bullet
holes, marked by impacts from rockets or completely burnt to ashes.
Out of the 350 houses in Beeri, 120 have been destroyed. This house belonged to a
friend of Simone's who was murdered by Hamas.
for
on each house. Photos of the murdered owners.
Most buildings have even become memorial sites. In the former dental clinic, everything has stayed the same since the
attack. The walls bear witness to the heavy
fighting that took place here. Five people were killed by Hamas. Since
then, their loved ones have come to pay their respects. This man's cousin was the nurse at the clinic.
Despite the horror, Beeri is slowly coming back to life. Beeri is what is
known as a kibutz, a village where everyone lives together as part of a community.
In the dining room, members of the kibuts are having their
meals together once again.
And they've started working at the printing shop again, a shop which supports the entire village.
These predominantly left-wing kibbutim have always promoted peace with the Palestinians. Yet peace has never seemed
so far away.
A year after October the 7th, the entire country is consumed by war.
Around the Gaza Strip, some people even watch from a nearby hilltop, and everyone remembers the hostages still
being held in the enclave. 101 people are still in the hands of Hamas.
In Lavon in northern Israel, a mother is desperately waiting for the return of her son Alon.
And before he left, he played so he left the piano open. I leave it open until he comes back so he will know that we're
waiting for him to play again. On October the 7th, Alon, the son of
Edict and Corby, was celebrating at the Tribe of Nova Festival, a kilometer from Gaza with 3,500 young people.
When the attack began, Alan took refuge with some friends in a rocket shelter.
They're in the bomb shelter and they're, you know, taking pictures of themselves and they're talking to each other. You
see there?
When they found out that the son had been caught in the center of the attack, they managed to reach him.
A few minutes later, Hamas militia men attacked the shelter.
I do that. So, I say he was throwing grenades. You see that? The terrorists
killed five festival goers and kidnapped four, one of which was Alon.
Okay. Now, uh this is a this is alone being taken
and he's been look how he's take they're taking him with his see they're putting him on the truck and they're hitting him
so he can go inside and go inside.
He was not an enemy. He's an innocent civilian that went to a party and was taken from Israeli land. He was not in
the army, not fighting anybody, not doing anything bad, you know, and he was
taken for just being a Jew. A year later, Edit and Corby still have
no news of their child. According to Israeli intelligence sources, only half of the 101 hostages are still alive.
I have no control over what's going on with Alon. I cannot control,
you know, if he's being if he's eating, if they're hurting him.
Even today, if he's seeing sunlight, you know, for the past 9 and a half months, I have no control over this.
Edit and KBY are convinced that a ceasefire in Gaza is the only way to secure their son's release.
Alone is not just my child. He's not just my son. He's everyone's son.
Because the meaning of him coming back is the meaning that we as a nation, we as a country, all of us are there for
each other. This is the best time to release the hostages. The war is, you
know, anything they're doing in in Gaza is now it's finished. There's there's no
more should stop it. The Hamas attack sent shock waves
through Israel. Since then, many Israelis no longer feel safe.
Convinced that another attack could happen, they've turned to firearms. This fear is fueled by members of the
government.
in particular the inflammatory minister of national security.
Hailing from the religious far right, Itamama Bengia has made extreme rhetoric
his trademark.
During a riot in Jerusalem in October 2022 with a pistol in hand, he called
for Palestinians throwing stones to be shot.
Benjamin Netanyahu appointed him minister 2 months later. Since then,
he's made it his priority to expand gun ownership for Israelis.
Just weeks after the Hamas terrorist attack, Itamar Bengavir was filmed handing out assault rifles to Israelis.
In November 2023, he significantly relaxed rules for obtaining a firearm.
And in just 4 months, the minister proudly announced that a 100,000 licenses had been issued.
In Hez Leah, north of Tel Aviv, Israelis come to this shooting range to learn how
to use their weapons.
Perry and her friend Odilia have benefited from the relaxation of these rules. They recently obtained the right
to carry a weapon. But this is only Perry's third time
practicing shooting. She wanted to arm herself because three
of her relatives were murdered on October the 7th.
Perry lives just 2 kilometers from the Gaza Strip in Carmia, an area the government considers dangerous.
She lives here with her husband Shai and her daughter Amit who has a rather
special collection in her garden shed. Um so thank
I collected some stuff rocket debris that fell nearby.
You need to close this. And then Amit no longer believes in peace because on October the 7th around 100 terrorists
tried to storm her kibbutz. That day her family escaped the worst. The terrorists
were stopped at the entrance. Since then, Perry and Shai sleep with their weapons at the ready.
The gun is out there. No, this is over there.
The village was evacuated. Today, only a handful of families have found the strength to return
here on this area uh to this side for the kid garden. And I constantly hear
kids laughing, kids traveling, and I just don't hear that anymore.
There's just silence. Amit and her family are angry with their prime minister for his failure to
protect them on October the 7th. In a survey from last July, 72% of Israelis
wanted to see him resign. Benjamin Netanyahu has been in power for 16 years, but is facing increasing
opposition. He is being prosecuted for breach of trust, fraud, and corruption
in three cases. However, the 74 yearear-old politician
has managed to stay in power thanks to the alliance he has forged with the far right, particularly the religious
Zionists, a fundamentalist ideological movement. Seven of his 29 ministers are
from this movement including Itama Beng the minister of national security
as well as Belal Smrich the finance minister
for them the country's borders should align with the sacred texts incorporating all Palestinian
territories.
In January 2024, Belalm Smridge took part in a rally for the recolonization
of Gaza. Since October the 7th, the finance
minister has been stepping up his settlement policy in the other major Palestinian territory, the West Bank.
This region has been under military occupation by the Jewish state since 1967 following its victory over Jordan
in the 6-day war on June the 6th at noon.
An occupation that was supposed to be temporary in 1993. The Oslo Accords
signed by Israeli Prime Minister Yitsak Rabin and Palestinian Authority leader Yaser Arafat outlined a gradual Israeli
withdrawal from the West Bank and the eventual creation of a Palestinian state.
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. In the meantime, they've divided the
West Bank into several areas. Area A around the major Arab cities is under
the exclusive control of the Palestinian Authority. Area B is under Palestinian
administrative control but secured by Israel. Area C, which represents 60% of
the territory, is occupied by the Jewish state. Yet 30 years on, Israel has not
withdrawn.
Today, 500,000 settlers live in the West Bank, and the most extremist among them are
continuing to take over Palestinian territories, starting with agricultural areas.
At the age of 32, Amish considers himself a pioneer.
At the end of July, he came to harvest the wheat he sewed a year ago with his wife and five children.
But there's no combine harvester or tractor here. Everything is done using traditional methods, just using sickles.
except that this field does not belong to Amishaf. He believes his claim to the land comes
not from the law but from sacred texts.
Amish inherited this ideology from his father and grandfather, settlers before him.
Amish lives in the heart of the West Bank, right in the middle of Palestinian territory. In this area, settlers have
gradually taken control of the land and the roads.
Some of these are now offlimits to Palestinians. Army checkpoints control the entrances, but seem to turn a blind
eye to his illegal settlement.
Amishaf has set up his house illegally at the end of this stony track that leads to the top of the hill.
He's been living in this prefabricated building overlooking the valley for about 10 years. This is known as an
outpost, an illegal settlement. According to the American organization,
the Israel Policy Forum, 20,000 settlers live in illegal outposts like Amishs
across the West Bank.
Amishaf puts his religion above all else. So in his outpost, he set up his
synagogue right across from the Palestinian villages as a form of provocation.
I want this.
His and his family's entire way of life is dictated by religion.
In their makeshift home, there are religious books and flags that, according to him, represent the true
borders of Israel.
Like many extremist settlers, Amishaf advocates for an Israel that spans much
of the Middle East.
Iraq, Lebanon,
By taking over the hills, the settlers are gradually pushing the Palestinians into enclaves with some resorting to
violence to drive them out. Since October the 7th, settler attacks have
risen sharply. The UN has recorded an average of seven attacks per day, three
times as many as before the Hamas attack.
The shepherd village of Al-Mukayer lies right in the middle of the West Bank in
an area under Palestinian authority control, but Israeli settlements have sprung up
all around it. And the extremist settlers are getting dangerously close with their outposts
multiplying. The residents here live in constant fear because last April they were attacked.
That day, hundreds of settlers came down from their hill after the death of a 14-year-old shepherd boy killed a few
days earlier by Palestinians from another village.
They burnt around 100 cars, 60 houses, and killed sheep.
The Israeli army stayed away.
Two weeks later, the village roadsides are still littered with burnt vehicles and all the residents are traumatized.
This shepherd lost 50 sheep in the attack.
The settlers completely burnt down one of his houses.
Since the attack, the shepherd has had to barricade himself in.
But during their raid, the settlers not only attacked the houses, they also killed a young man, Jihad.
In front of his home, large posters have been hung to pay tribute to him. And in
his flat,
Jihad was 25 years old and was supposed to get married in 3 months time.
On the day of the attack, Jihad and his friends attempted to stave off the attackers.
As they threw stones at the settlers, he was shot in the head.
Nevertheless, in Israel, people are increasingly criticizing the violence of these extremist settlers.
One of their most ardent opponents has a rather unexpected profile. He's a rabbi.
Rick Asherman is 65 years old. Born in the United States, he's been fighting
against settler violence in the West Bank for 20 years. A fight which almost cost him his life when in 2015, a hooded
settler attacked him with a knife.
More recently, he was beaten with sticks while accompanying Palestinians during their olive harvest.
I'm particularly hated, known and hated by other settlers.
This morning, Eric was called to the village of Mukamas, 20 km from Jerusalem, an area under the control of
the Palestinian Authority. A sign advises Israelis against going there.
So before entering, Eric takes a small precaution. need to take my keep off when I'm going through a village. Um for
them symbolizes uh fanatic violent settlers.
The village is surrounded by Israeli settlements and its 2,000 residents watch as their territory is gradually
eroded.
At 36, Mustafa has always lived here. He keeps about 100 sheep and goats, but has
to keep them locked in this enclosure.
He's afraid for his animals because just a few hundred meters up this hill, settlers have set up an outpost.
Mustafa recently had 20 sheep stolen.
for Eric the Israeli rabbi. The government is fueling the settler's sense of impunity. the determination of
this current government with Bitas Motto and and and Benvir from doing everything
they can to move ahead at, you know, now at lightning speed. The dispossession
uh and expulsion of Palestinians and the expansion of settler spheres of control, the expansion of the spheres of control
has just been, you know, out of control. Now, the intimidation is constant. Barely 10
minutes after we started our interview, villages I think be but never had a government fishi
fish. A car with settlers inside approaches the houses.
Uh this is a car we know. And if he just comes and drives through that's the least of the problems. If he tries to
stop that will be another story. Eric takes photos of them to collect
evidence of their scare tactics. Is he stopped? Is he going through?
This time the settlers did not stop. However, on the 30th of March, one of their raids turned into a blood bath.
That day around 30 extremists entered the village. Several were armed with assault rifles and some were hooded.
Some even wear army uniforms. But it's impossible to know if they're really soldiers. As the Palestinians try to
intervene, they hold them at gunpoint, firing bursts of gunfire into the air.
During this raid, settlers injure two Palestinians.
5 months later, Saman Abu Ali is struggling to recover from his injuries.
No settler was arrested or even questioned by the Israeli police or army following this attack and the illegal
camp continues to terrorize the village.
Instead of staunchly condemning the attacks that the instigation of its radical ministers, the Israeli
government has legalized some of the outposts established by these settlers. In 2024, according to the NGO peace now,
63 of these outposts have been recognized by the government. In June 2024, Betal Smidge, the finance
minister, seized more than,200 hectares of Palestinian land, mainly in the Jordan Valley. This was the largest
annexation in 30 years. A settlement policy which sometimes feels irreversible.
Far from the outposts, most of the 500,000 Israelis living in the West Bank now reside in settlements that resemble
cities. Like Ariel, one of the largest
settlements located in the heart of the occupied Palestinian territories. It takes only 45 minutes to get there from
Tel Aviv. Thanks to a highway built specially by the government. Here there are no checkpoints or borders.
Everything is designed to give the feeling of not leaving Israel.
When Ariel was founded in 1978, it only had around 40 settlers,
but it has since continued to expand despite being completely illegal under international law.
Today, it resembles an affluent suburb with its residential neighborhoods and its public swimming pool.
It's home to 20,500 people from all over the world.
I forgot my shoes. Nadia is originally from Ukraine. She moved here 7 years ago with her son Tim.
In Israel, we have a lot of jokes about, you know, the the Christmas tree and the Russian speaking Jewish community
because it's it's not something what common to celebrate in Israel. So we still have such pictures from the
countries of former Soviet Union. But Nadia doesn't see herself as a settler. She feels as though she lives
in a city like any other. You feel that you live in a city. I mean
like you do live in a city. You have different uh you have actually everything what is necessary for your
life. Nadia didn't move to Ariel for political or religious reasons. like her 85% of
the settlement's residents are secular. We are not religious but we do celebrate holidays and for us it's a very
important part of our life. New year celebration I mean Roshana a
very important holidays and we have family around the table. So for us it's very important also to transfer this
knowledge to my son and to build his identity. Bye.
Nadia has chosen to live here because Ariel has a unique feature among Israeli settlements, a university.
First opened in 2012, its campus has welcomed 16,000 students. Students
almost like any others with the addition of an assault rifle.
We used to see such such kind of stuff, you know, among students.
In the library, you meet students from all backgrounds, religious and non-religious.
Nadia has just obtained her doctorate in Jewish studies and is starting to teach.
Yes, this is my favorite one and it's Soviet Jewish because it's my research
field. So, however, the education provided at Ariel is not recognized everywhere due to its
location in the West Bank. Many countries refuse to partner with the university. Hannah oversees
international relations. For example, uh we are not able to apply
for various European grants. That's an issue. We're not part of the Arasmus
program. And even though the university prides itself on welcoming students from all over the world, one population is not
represented here. The Palestinians from the West Bank. We have 10% of students
from the large Arab community in Israel. They're Israeli citizens. Unfortunately, we don't have Palestinian students, but
um again, that's because they don't apply. We actually had one student who applied. I don't know what what happened
to to who was admitted based on on academic uh on his academic status.
Despite this, the government wants to make Ariel the showcase for its settlement policy.
In 2017, during the inauguration of the university's medical school, Benjamin Netanyahu strongly emphasized this
point.
Israel. To enforce this vision, the government
continues to authorize the construction of new homes.
At Ariel City Hall, Shira Caz is responsible for the development of the settlement. The official barely has a
moment to rest. There is a new neighborhood that's going to connect with this area. So real is
going to be much larger than today.
In the south of the city, a brand new neighborhood is taking shape, set to welcome 5,000 new residents.
As you can see, someone who would live here, it's very nice. It's a You see the
buildings are not very high. Repeated condemnation of these settlements by the international
community doesn't seem to curb the city's ambitions. I think this is our land from many, many
years, 3,000 years ago. And and if someone wants, I would suggest that he
would study about the history a bit. There wasn't such a thing as the Palestinians people 3,000 years ago.
This is an Israeli state. This is an Jewish land. So yes, there is no other
way. To attract new residents, Shiraakaz aims to make Ariel more appealing. Just
outside the settlement, a massive industrial area is under construction.
Roy is the director of this site which is expected to house around 10 factories within a year.
Wow. Judea and Samaria is the biblical name for the West Bank used by settlers.
Ultimately, the only thing Ariel lacks is manpower. Here, 3/4 of the workers on
the construction sites are not Israelis, but Palestinians. All day long, they work under the close
watch of this security guard.
Wow.
Since October the 7th, Palestinians employed in Israeli settlements have been forbidden from leaving their place
of work. And it's impossible for us to talk to them either.
But in Israel, people are speaking out against this brazen settlement policy.
One man in particular hopes to represent an alternative to Benjamin Netanyahu. At
62 years old, Ya Golan is the leader of the Israeli left. However, he's no
ordinary politician. He's a retired army general. On October the 7th, Yaya Golan
became a national hero. On that day, as soon as the first rocket alert sounded,
he decided to head to the site of the attack.
So, I took a rifle and other combatant gear and I went straight away to the south.
Ready, ready, ready. Once he arrived, Ya received a call from his sister. She informed him that a
group of young people were fleeing the music festival. Ya then went straight to their aid.
So I asked her, "All right, send me a location. I know the terrain very well. I thought it could be much safer to
drive my car into the fields and not on the main roads." And that's what I did.
And I have managed to find them and to take them out of the combatant zone. And
then I got another phone call and another phone call. And in total, he made three trips back and
forth, getting closer and closer to the fighting and saved six festival goers.
A year later, the locations where the attack took place have become memorial sites.
A few hundred meters from the festival, the victim's cars have been piled up. They're riddled with bullets or
completely burnt. When you stand here and you see, you
know, what is happening around you, you can feel or you can understand the
magnitude of of the disaster. All day long, buses drop off hundreds of
visitors who come to pay their respects. And since his heroic act, the retired
general has not gone unnoticed. These young Israelis are members of a unit that Ya led for three years.
Where are you from? Texas. Texas. The general quickly transforms into a
politician and openly criticizes Benjamin Netanyahu's government and his extremist allies.
Shalom.
See
for the left winger, Benjamin Netanyahu has trapped the country into a dead-end war and failed to lay the foundations
necessary for future peace with the Palestinians. Netanyahu because of his political consideration
doesn't want to release the hostages because he knows that the more extreme
elements in his governments don't want it because they want to rule the Gaza
Strip. They want to occupy the Gaza Strip. The only thing that we can do uh
as an alternative to Hamas is to bring in the Sunni moderate states, the
Palestinian Authority, maybe other elements, international elements in order to to stabilizing the Gaza Strip
and at the same time in order to establish true alternative to Hamas.
Even though anger is brewing in the country against Benjamin Netanyahu, recent Israeli military successes
against Hezbollah in Lebanon, particularly the execution of its leader Hassan Nazallah, have given the prime
minister a boost in popularity. According to a recent poll, if legislative elections were held today, his party would win.
Netanyahu’s ability to maintain power depends on fragile coalitions with these ultra-religious factions. 13 of 29 government ministers are from this movement, including the controversial Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben Gvir, and Minister of Finance, Bezalel Smotrich. Their vision? An Israel whose borders are dictated by sacred texts, spanning across the entirety of the Palestinian territories.
While Gaza is being bombed, settlement expansion is intensifying in the West Bank. In July, the government orchestrated the most substantial seizure of Palestinian land in three decades, appropriating 1,200 hectares. This policy is welcomed warmly by some of the West Bank’s most radical settlers. We met these extremist settlers. 32-year-old Amishav embodies this new generation of “pioneers”. Illegally positioned on a hill opposite the Palestinian territories, he dreams of a “Greater Israel” stretching from the Sinai to Iran. This rampant settlement expansion inexorably forces Palestinians into ever-narrower enclaves, often in a climate of violence. The UN has reported an eruption of settler attacks: 1,250 in ten months, triple that of the previous year.
From Tel Aviv to the isolated outposts of the West Bank, from the bruised kibbutzim in the south to the tense border with Lebanon in the north, this feature dives into the heart of a profoundly divided Israeli society. While the war in Gaza continues and the international community expresses growing disapproval, Israel is at a crossroads.
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3 Comments
Sejin Lifeforce 生命
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@celsoolivajr4520
1 day ago
That is what your govenment wants😢😢😢
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@hezorex9822
1 day ago
This world rule by the wicked. They don't care about the people, only their ego. They are happy innocent people dying every day and pretend they are God's people.
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@isbobih
1 day ago
This video is pure propaganda.
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