How Hezbollah Came To Dominate Lebanon | History Documentary - YouTube

How Hezbollah Came To Dominate Lebanon | History Documentary - YouTube

How Hezbollah Came To Dominate Lebanon | History Documentary

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120,712 views Aug 28, 2024 #hezbollah #hezbollahvsisrael #lebanon

Hezbollah now rivals the Lebanese government in terms of power. Backed by Iranian support and endowed with battle-hardened fighters that have strong belief in a cause, Hezbollah has become a power player in the wider region. Through its never-yielding resistance against Israel, the group positions itself on the frontline of the emerging Cold War between its benefactor Iran and Israel. But Hezbollah is so much more than just a militant group, as its social services programme suggests. Even though it was created to serve the Lebanese Shia, it enjoys popularity amongst various other religious groups. In order to understand them better, we need to delve into their roots on the chaotic battlefields of the Lebanese civil war, which moulded Lebanon as we know it today.

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Intro
It’s rare in politics for the government to not be the most dominant force in the
country. But this is essentially the case in Lebanon, where Hezbollah,
a Shia political party that began as a militant group, now rival the Lebanese government in
terms of power. Backed by Iranian support and endowed with battle-hardened fighters
that have strong belief in a cause, Hezbollah has become a power player in the wider region.
Through its never-yielding resistance against Israel, the group positions itself on the
frontline of the emerging Cold War between its benefactor Iran and Israel. But Hezbollah is
so much more than just a militant group, as its social services programme suggests. Even though
it was created to serve the Lebanese Shia, it enjoys popularity amongst various other
religious groups. In order to understand them better, we need to delve into their roots on
the chaotic battlefields of the Lebanese civil war, which molded Lebanon as we know it today.


Rise of Revolutionary Shi'ism
From its establishment as a state in 1943, Lebanon’s Shia community has been the most
marginalized of the country’s various groups. Lebanon’s last official census in 1932 reported
that Shia’s made up around 19% of the population; but by the 1980s this figure was estimated by
unofficial sources to have risen to 30%. Mainly congregating in the South as well as the Beqaa
Valley in the east, the Shia community naturally became politicized with the advent of Lebanese
civil war in the 1970s. Much of this was pioneered by the Amal Movement that was led by Musa al-Sadr.
One interesting thing to note is the international links that the Lebanese Shia have with the wider
region. Al-Sadr for example, was born in Iran where he spent 25 years before studying
in Iraq for a number of years. This will help to understand why Hezbollah’s close links with Iran
is such a natural relationship. Hezbollah began in 1982 as a loose amalgamation of smaller Shia
groups, centered in the Beqaa Valley. In its early days, Hezbollah operated as an umbrella movement
for Shia militias that shared strategic goals. Much of its early membership, including its two
founders - Abbas al-Musawi & Subhi al-Tufayli - had come from disgruntled members of Amal. Both
men had studied in Najaf at the same time as Ayatollah Khomeini was exiled there;
revolutionary Shia’ism at the time was saturated with an emphasis on resistance to persecution and
martyrdom. Subsequently the ideological outlooks of both the Islamic Republic Iran and Hezbollah
come from the same root of thinking - this helps to contextualize why the two have such
close links today. It’s not because Hezbollah is a puppet of Iran’s and has little sovereignty;
rather, they share the same origin and strategic goals - creating some sort of
an intuitive understanding between the two. Hezbollah was formally announced to the world
in 1985. But many had already become familiar with the group by this point.
The Islamic Jihad Organisation or IJO, had carried out high-profile attacks - namely,
the 1983 bombing of the US embassy and subsequent attacks on the French and US barracks later that
year, both in Beirut. Also, in the 1980s there was a hostage crisis, where over 100
foreign targets were abducted. The IJO was later assimilated within Hezbollah and its leader Imad
Mughniyeh would eventually become Hezbollah’s chief of Military Affairs. And in the case of
the kidnappings, Although Hezbollah publically denied involvement, it is widely believed to
have been behind them; largely because the IJO was instrumental in many of these kidnappings.


Forged in War
Hezbollah’s main aim from the start revolved around expelling foreign forces from Lebanon.
This applied chiefly to two countries - America and Israel. The former had intervened along with
a number of other European countries to form the MNF in 1982, which was created in the first place
as a reaction to Israel’s invasion of Lebanon that year. By 1984, the MNF were forced out
of the country; the Israelis also pulled out of Beirut and much of Lebanon by 1985,
but continued to occupy Southern Lebanon in the aim of establishing a security zone
that would protect its northern frontier. This occupation was essentially how Hezbollah made its
name - for the next 15 years, it fought against the Israeli army and its Christian militia proxy,
the South Lebanon Army. In addition, the militant group also fought against other
Lebanese factions. From 1985 until 1988, Hezbollah fought on the side of the Palestinian Liberation
Organization or PLO against Amal in what is referred to as the War of the Camps. In this
sub-conflict, Hezbollah was pitted against its future ally Syria, who actually played a prominent
role in the Lebanese Civil War, controlling much of the eastern part of the country - including the
Beqaa Valley where Hezbollah was first formed. In the final years of the civil war, Hezbollah
and Amal went to war again in what is known as the War of Brothers - but this ended in 1990
and the two groups reconciled under the auspice of their respective sponsors, Syria and Iran,
two countries who were already building budding relations with each other starting in the 1980s.
The group etched a name for itself during the civil war through its fighter’s determination
and discipline on the battlefield. Even at this early stage, Hezbollah was aided by Iran,
with the IRGC sending advisers to the Beqaa valley to train and equip the group. This alliance was
a no brainer, both being Twelver Shia’s and both belonged to an ideological background
that was rooted in the Shia seminaries of Iraq and Iran. Hezbollah’s current dominance cannot
be understood without recognizing its close ties with the Ayatollah’s regime in Iran.
By the end of the 1980s, the Lebanese civil war was drawing to a conclusion. The Taif Agreement
of 1989 signaled the beginning of the end, with all fighting ceasing by January 1991. The
various factions and militias agreed to put down their arms as Lebanon finally embraced
peace. Only one group defiantly refused to disarm - Hezbollah. No doubt the Iranians,
through their links with Syria, had influence on allowing the group to maintain its arsenal.
Hafez al-Assad’s regime in Syria would continue to dominate Lebanon’s internal affairs until the
Cedar Revolution kicked them out in 2005. As far as Hezbollah was concerned, its struggle was not
over - throughout the 1990s, it was engaged in guerilla warfare against the Israelis and their
proxy, the Christian SLA. Then, early in 1992, the group was dealt a serious blow when their leader
al-Musawi was assassinated along with his wife and children by the IDF. He was to be succeeded by
Hassan Nasrallah, the man in charge until today. In retaliation, the IJO attacked the Israeli
Embassy in Buenos Aires, Argentina the next month. Two years later, Argentina was once again the site
of a massive attack; the AMIA bombing targeted a Jewish Community Centre. Despite Hezbollah
denying responsibility, Argentina suspect the group carried it out with Iranian supervision,
and formally charged Imad Mughniyeh for his involvement in both those attacks.


Defeating Israel Brings Political Clout
1992 marked a new chapter in the history of Hezbollah, as it announced it would be
participating in that year’s general elections. This decision caused a schism in the group,
as its one time secretary general Subhi al-Tufayli criticized it as a distraction from its armed
struggle against Israel. This did little to slow it down, as the group’s political wing won 8 seats
in parliament. Hezbollah has since then avowed to uphold religious freedoms inside the country
and opened dialogue with Christian groups shortly after 1992. Politically, it grew from strength to
strength; by the time of the 2000 elections, its electoral alliance with Amal clinched 20 seats in
the 128-member Lebanese Parliament. This improved political standing largely came from Israel
finally withdrawing from south Lebanon in that year. Millions of people around the Arab world,
used to seeing Israel steamroll its opponents, celebrated the withdrawal in 2000. Hassan
Nasrallah and Hezbollah were catapulted to new levels of fame, with the victory being
framed as the first time Israel unilaterally withdrew from Arab territory without a peace
treaty or concessions. But what made Hezbollah such a formidable force on the political scene
was its ambition and confidence. In addition to their military exploits against Israel, Hezbollah
has gained much popularity nationwide through the social services it provides. As mentioned before,
Lebanon’s Shias have historically been neglected by Beirut; therefore Hezbollah filled this vacuum
by setting up schools, hospitals, agricultural help - it does all of this in an organized manner
through a number of established institutions. To lighten the burden of the Lebanese Civil War and
its own struggle against Israel, Hezbollah has even engaged in building houses. These efforts
inevitably help the group to win the hearts and minds of the Lebanese people. As a result of this,
it’s no wonder the group’s infrastructure has been described by some analysts as quasi-state-like.
Early in 2006, Hassan Nasrallah signed an alliance with Michel Aoun,
the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement or the FPM. The Mar Mikhael Agreement still
continues to shape Lebanese politics until today. Despite its political activity,
Hezbollah had not forgotten its military roots. It continued to defy call to put down its weapons,
announcing that its struggle against Israel was not over - citing Israeli occupation of the
Shebaa Farms as the reason. The conflict over this tiny strip of land on the Lebanese-Syrian border
would culminate in the 2006 Lebanon War. This month-long conflict saw Israel once again launch
a ground invasion into Southern Lebanon, whilst its fighter jets bombarded Hezbollah and civilian
infrastructure targets. Hezbollah retaliated by launching rockets into northern Israel and
by engaging the IDF in guerilla warfare. The UN stepped in to offer a resolution that was
quickly accepted by both parties - Israel was to withdraw, the Lebanese Armed Forces
were supposed to exert their authority over southern Lebanon and Hezbollah was supposed
to disarm. Considering Hezbollah remain dominant in the south of the country and has not disarmed,
the conflict was once again interpreted as a victory for the group by many in the Middle East.
By 2008, Hezbollah was able to exert a lot of influence on the domestic scene. That year,
Lebanon experienced a wave of protests that began in late 2006. Hezbollah,
along with Amal and the Christian FPM, led these protests which were aimed at curbing
the country’s economic woes as well as a greater say for the group and its allies. In May 2008,
the upheaval turned violent when the government decided to shut down Hezbollah’s telecommunication
network. Hassan Nasrallah called this an act of war and the group responded by forcefully seizing
control of pro-government neighborhoods in Beirut and small battles broke out. Lebanon narrowly
avoided conflict thanks to the intervention of the Arab League; a week later the Doha
Agreement was signed by all parties in Qatar. Since then, Hezbollah’s military capability


Iranian Funds & Weapons
has seen a dramatic improvement. This is largely thanks to Iran equipment and money, which really
ramped up post-2000. The group’s improved military capability was on full display during the 2006
war, as it launched around 4,000 rockets into Israel as well as using drone technology. In the
years since, under the supervision of Iran’s Quds Force, Hezbollah’s military capacity has reached
new levels, boasting an arsenal with up to 150,000 rockets, many with long-range capabilities.
Apart from some like the Russian-made Katyusha rockets, most of these weapons
were Iranian-made. Some sources estimate that by now, Iran supports Hezbollah with $700 million,
which seems unlikely considering that would be almost 15% of Iran’s total GDP;
but the point still stands, Iranian support for Hezbollah is invaluable. To put it into context,
Hassan Nasrallah has gone on record to state “Hezbollah’s budget, everything it
eats and drinks, its weapons and rockets, comes from the Islamic Republic of Iran”.
All these material gains were honed and aided by experience on the battlefields of the Syrian
Civil War. Hezbollah’s decision to fight on the side of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad,
a close ally of Tehran, appalled many inside Lebanon. The group had championed itself as a
resistance movement that fought against injustice but now seemed to serve the cause of tyranny.
For Hezbollah, they almost had no choice - Iran was deeply invested in upholding Assad’s regime,
which was a vital conduit of arms for the group. The combat experienced gained from
the conflict was very helpful for Hezbollah - by serving mainly as front-line advisors
they were gained greater knowledge on military structure and organization;
they would also have gained exposure to sophisticated Russian military doctrine, who were
also in Syria trying to prop up Assad’s regime. All this military capability and experience
have experts questioning which is a more potent military force - the Lebanese Army or Hezbollah?


Future Prospects
Both internally and externally, Hezbollah are well-positioned to take advantage of
current developments in the region. It is currently part of the March 14th Alliance,
which holds 16 of the 24 Cabinet positions; at a time when Lebanon
is going through massive socio-economic upheaval. More importantly, with regional tensions flaring,
Iran’s Axis of Resistance is putting the pressure on Israel. Within the last year,
the 3 Iranian-backed groups - Hamas in Palestine, the Houthis in Yemen and Hezbollah in Lebanon have
all stepped up their attacks on Israel. If a conflict breaks out between Iran and Israel,
Hezbollah will undoubtedly play a key role in how that war develops.
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